Workers in sentence

5388 examples of Workers in a sentence

Increasingly, political leaders like British Prime Minister David Cameron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who spoke eloquently for the Round at the World Economic Forum in Davos this year, are emphasizing that the Doha Round’s failure would cost the world significant gains in prosperity, halt progress for the poor in developing countries, and reduce workers’ real incomes in developed countries.

Meanwhile, the post-industrial attractions of cities like Shanghai and Beijing will attract the more talented and better-educated children of today’s industrial workers.

To fill the gap in care, Casalud introduced a program of integrated mobile devices and continuing education to empower primary-care providers – including nurses and clinical workers – to be more proactive in screening for diabetes.

The program’s use of mobile technology allows health-care workers (and others) to measure blood sugar and other vital indices as part of a regular checkup.

To do that, we will need to strengthen current health systems, educate and empower frontline health-care workers, and maximize cost-saving technologies.

In the long run, the US and EU should support civil society organizations in pressing Moldova’s government to guarantee more equitable distribution of television time, to stop police harassment of opposition political leaders and workers as well as journalists, to reform the police and end the ruling party’s abuse of state institutions, and to allow all political parties more opportunity to inspect election rolls and monitor polling stations.

Marx’s reputation sank once it became evident that he was wrong to predict that a workers’ revolution would usher in a new era with a better life for everyone.

China’s strong central government overwhelms opposition from people displaced by new roads, bridges, and dams, and for many years ran roughshod over environmental concerns and workers’ rights.

An economy’s productivity, or output per capita, is a function of capital stock, labor (the number of workers and how educated they are), and an admittedly vague residual known as “total factor productivity,” which refers to how capital and labor are organized.

For the “Dutch disease” and a rentier spirit prevail in WANA, and have affected oil-producing and non-oil-producing countries, ranging from migrant workers’ remittances and financial investment flows from the oil countries (mainly into real estate) to stock-exchange bubbles and foreign aid.

But this simply recasts the problem: the US economy has never been good at retraining workers.

American workers are treated like disposable commodities, tossed aside if and when they cannot keep up with changes in technology and the marketplace.

The difference now is that these workers are no longer a small fraction of the population.

With entire industries coming under threat, workers increasingly face the need to switch careers.

In this context, curricula that have defined education for the last half-century must be rethought, with a view toward ensuring that workers are equipped with higher-level “meta-skills” that can be adapted easily to a broad array of industries.

This includes new and affordable technologies, such as low-cost mobile telephony for use by community-health workers.

Breaking down dual labor markets that are excluding young workers (as they do in much of southern Europe, including Italy and, to some extent, France) is very different from making it easier to fire all workers.

Indeed, some structural reforms, such as increasing labor-market flexibility (by, say, making it easier to dismiss workers), can initially have a negative effect on consumer confidence and spending.

Some economists argue that, unlike past recoveries, when workers who were temporarily laid off were rehired, job losses starting in 1991 were more permanent.

Unemployed workers had to find jobs in new industries, which took more time and training.

So, rather than hire in panic at the first sign of a recovery for fear that they will be unable to do so later and lose sales, firms would rather make sure that the recovery is well established before adding workers.

Short-duration benefits may have been appropriate when recoveries were fast and jobs plentiful, because the fear of losing benefits before finding a job may have given workers an incentive to look harder.

And “de-medicalized” conditions – with few if any professional health workers to ensure an appropriate public-health response to an epidemic (such as isolation of infected individuals, tracing of contacts, surveillance, and so forth) – make initial outbreaks more severe.

In particular, these regions should train and deploy a new cadre of community health workers, trained to recognize disease symptoms, provide surveillance, and administer diagnoses and appropriate treatments.

At a cost of just $5 billion per year, it would be possible to ensure that well-trained health workers are present in every African community to provide lifesaving interventions and respond effectively to health emergencies like Ebola.

Consider a population of ten people (say, a factory) in which the managing director earns $150,000 a year and the other nine, all workers, earn $10,000 each.

Four global trends are reshaping the world of work, helping to resolve contradictions and overcome dysfunction in the labor market as companies, workers, and governments adapt to a new demographic, technological, and economic environment.

In Japan, where a quarter of the population is older than 65, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has championed a major effort to bring more women and older workers into the labor market.

At the same time, another trend, the rise of individual choice, is providing workers with unprecedented flexibility.

With the proliferation of so-called people analytics – behavioral and intelligence tests, digital performance scorecards, and better information systems – companies know their workers like never before.

Related words