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Welfare in sentence

1448 examples of Welfare in a sentence

In our recent book Fighting Poverty in the US and Europe: A World of Difference , Edward Glaeser and I discuss why the welfare state is so much more generous in Europe than in the US.
Not surprisingly, those who adhere to such beliefs are more averse to redistribution and welfare, and evidence shows that in the US, those who express more "anti-minority" points of view are also more averse to redistribution and more likely to have less sympathy for the poor.
Precisely for this reason, political opportunists in the US have long used the race card to discredit welfare and redistribution, from the Jim Crow system that segregated blacks in the South before 1964 to the infamous Reagan-era charge about black "welfare queens" who drive Cadillacs.
Simply put, when middle-class Europeans begin to think that a good portion of the poor are recent immigrants, their ingrained belief in the virtue of the welfare state will begin to waver.
The step from here to lamenting the high taxes spent on welfare for immigrants is a but a short one.
The second is to somehow restrict welfare benefits to "natives."
The third is to reduce the size of welfare for all because political support for it is declining.
Not to worry: the European welfare state will remain more generous than the stingy American one, but it may become more manageable and less intrusive.
The silver lining is that the European welfare state does indeed need trimming!
Just as we have no global tax mechanism to ensure the provision of global public goods, we have no global monetary or welfare policies to maintain price stability and social peace.
The transformation of the old European welfare state started in northern Europe, and it is proceeding to most of the rest of the continent.
In northern Europe, the transformation of the welfare state started in Denmark in 1982.
But he left the country’s high taxes and welfare state in place.
They seek intelligence, honor, and a keen sense of the public interest and the public welfare.
So, even if reducing inequality was bad for overall growth, it might still be good for social welfare in the relevant sense, if it made many households in the middle better off.
Rather than concerning themselves with how to balance growth and inequality, policymakers would do better to focus on how policies impact average incomes and other welfare indicators.
Rather than rethinking macroeconomics, policymakers must consider whether specific goals for social welfare and distribution can be achieved through win-win measures or through policies that make worthwhile tradeoffs.
Romney went even further, claiming that Obama planned to raise taxes by $4,000 on middle-income taxpayers; that Obama planned “to gut welfare reform by dropping work requirements”; and that Chrysler, bailed out by the Obama administration, was moving all of its Jeep production to China.
Rigid as it was, with an extensive welfare system and an over-regulated labor market, Germany was unable to react to these shocks and ran into trouble.
As neither Germany’s unions nor its welfare state would accept falling wages, the result was higher unemployment and slower growth.
Among EU countries, Italy has experienced the second-largest decline in output (after Greece) during the last decade – a trend that caused a significant deterioration in economic welfare.
And, as recent research indicates, a decline in welfare correlates more strongly with political support for populists than its absolute level.
Even so, once the political causes of famine and malnutrition in developing countries are resolved, the use of modern biotechnology in agriculture and food production could potentially make an immense contribution to social welfare and economic advancement.
American democracy’s emphasis on short time horizons is costly, with tax cuts and increased welfare benefits giving rise to chronic fiscal deficits, with future generations forced to foot the bill for years of excessive consumption.
No government is truly willing to tackle the causes of inequality and hunger, which would require making fair taxation and comprehensive welfare a top priority.
By undermining companies’ capacity to maximize the efficiency of labor and capital allocation – the driving motivation behind offshoring – the BAT would produce large welfare costs for the US and the global economy.
It is not that raising poor people’s standard of living above bare subsistence produces Malthusian catastrophe, or that taxes and withdrawal of welfare benefits make people work, at the margin, for nothing.
The paternalistic welfare state is viewed as more humane, despite the loss of freedom and the financial distortions associated with it.
To be sure, the checkered history of welfare in the 20 th century put the future of the social sciences in doubt.
And, in much of the West, states adhere to models of welfare provision that increasingly disappoint their citizens and are often unaffordable.
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