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Welfare in sentence

1448 examples of Welfare in a sentence

When the United States is included, 11.5% of the global population receives 88% of the world’s welfare payments.
Moreover, major advanced economies, such as the United States, Germany, and Japan, face longer-term fiscal problems in the form of aging populations or oversize welfare states, limiting their capacity to contribute to demand management.
The welfare state is sustainable only if revenues grow in line with spending needs; protracted stagnation would inevitably result in it being dismantled piece by piece.
Historians tell us that the Luddites were victims of a temporary conjuncture of rising prices and falling wages that threatened them with starvation in a society with minimal welfare provision.
Since the 1950’s, developmental economists have understood that growth in GNP is not synonymous with increased welfare.
But, even prior to independence, India’s leaders saw growth as essential for reducing poverty and increasing social welfare.
Taken together, the new food-security and land-acquisition laws underscore the Indian government’s gradual but firm move toward making the world’s largest democracy a society in which citizens’ welfare is based on rights and entitlements rather than ephemeral charity.
And the United States – indifferent to the integrity of the Malian state and the welfare of its citizens in normal circumstances – was aware of the possibility that Mali’s vast territory could fall under fundamentalist/terrorist control.
But the example set by Scandinavian countries, which combine a generous welfare state with pro-business policies and traditions, repudiates such claims.
The main difference between the failing French model and the more successful Scandinavian approach lies not in welfare “outputs” (many public services in France, such as the health-care system, remain among the best in the world), but in how they are financed.
Relentless government borrowing and high payroll taxes (employer-paid social security) have long sustained citizens’ illusion that they are getting something for nothing, while perpetuating successive governments’ misconception that taxing business is a painless way of financing welfare and public services.
Meanwhile, the economic downturn is doing its bit to help the gangs’ cause: jobs will dry up, poverty will increase and the government’s ability to provide basic welfare and social services will be tested, making a life of crime all the more attractive and rewarding.
But it is not wrong to ask what makes Scandinavian welfare economies so successful, and what Americans can learn from them.
According to OECD country rankings by employment, the top seven countries worldwide have welfare economies.
Specifically, welfare economies have been successful in expanding the scope of work, and of the labor market, to make jobs available to segments of the population that otherwise would have lacked access to well-paid employment.
Scandinavian welfare societies are not immune to populism, nationalism, or nativism, and each country has its political extremes.
Social welfare makes the American dream come true.
So, by all means, governments should spend more helping the losers of free-trade deals with job training and transitional social welfare.
If, for example, a target country provides minimum wage guarantees and replacement incomes for the domestic unemployed, immigrants simply force domestic residents into the care of the welfare state.
When Clinton declared in 1996 that he would “end welfare as we know it,” he worked with Congress to create the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, which requires recipients to work and limits their lifetime eligibility to 60 months.
After all, economists have recognized for decades that the most important determinant of growth – and thus of gains in human development and welfare – is technological change and the knowledge it embodies.
To maximize global social welfare, policymakers should strongly encourage the diffusion of knowledge from developed to developing countries.
Maximizing profits for a few, rather than global development and welfare for the many, didn’t make much sense then, either – except in terms of the power dynamics at the time.
What matters is not only the production of knowledge, but also that it is used in ways that put people’s health and welfare ahead of corporate profits.
In 2007, the Supreme Court issued a 5-4 decision, siding with the states; and in 2009, the EPA concluded that certain greenhouse gases endanger public welfare.
They must expand into other avenues of appeal: public hearings, welfare lawsuits, enhanced media coverage, and other voluntary activities.
These funds are earmarked for private businesses and party campaigns, but also to finance welfare programs under a model of political patronage known as “gifts from the Commandante.”
Earlier this month, the West Africa Commission on Drugs (WACD), which I chair, published the Model Drug Law for West Africa, an online tool designed to help regional policymakers rewrite their drug-enforcement playbooks and deliver policies to protect the health and welfare of every citizen.
They want the state to provide for their welfare, to tackle crime, unemployment and inflation and to fight corruption, all of which the state is less and less capable of doing.
Rather than try to stop the unstoppable, we should think about how to put this new reality at the service of our values and welfare.
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