Example collocations logo

Welfare in sentence

1448 examples of Welfare in a sentence

He carried this policy through a skeptical Congress, even at the price of abandoning many of the social welfare promises he made during his 1992 presidential campaign.
In Britain and some European countries, animal welfare became politically salient, and pressure on parliamentary representatives mounted.
With the ban on battery cages, Europe confirms its place as the world leader in animal welfare, a position also reflected in its restrictions on the use of animals to test cosmetics.
In China, which, along with the US, confines the largest number of hens in cages, an animal welfare movement is only just beginning to emerge.
For the sake of the welfare of billions of farmed animals, we should wish it rapid growth and success.
The start of this year is a moment to celebrate a major advance in animal welfare, and, therefore, for Europe, a step towards becoming a more civilized and humane society – one that shows its concern for all beings capable of suffering.
It is fitting that mayors, driven by their sense of responsibility to protect their citizens’ safety and welfare, take a keen interest in this cause.
To limit the size of firms to check the concentration of power is a very blunt instrument – one that highlights the failure of other controls in the democratic process aimed at ensuring that strong lobbies do not end up imposing regulation that is not aligned with social welfare.
With 7% of the global population, 25% of global GDP, and 50% of global welfare expenditure, the EU has created a model that inspires millions of people to dream of emigrating to Europe.
Everywhere you look, well-meaning groups see imports as a threat to their pet social programs, from welfare to environmental protection.
Look to America’s northern border and you see that free trade is indeed compatible with divergent national welfare objectives.
The US/Canada trade agreement (a precursor to NAFTA) was once opposed by Canadians who worried that their country’s generous social welfare programs would be fatally undermined by it.
The U.S./Canada free trade agreement has worked for a decade, yet Canadian welfare policy remains far more generous than America’s own.
Self-appointed guardians of social policy should look not only to Canada for guidance, but to Northern Europe’s welfare states as well.
In Sweden, the Netherlands, and Denmark, social welfare programs literally exploded during the 1950s and 1960s.
Those decades just happen to be the time when the unwavering commitment to free trade of those small European welfare states held steady.
So if free trade undermines social welfare programs, as today’s new protectionists declare, why did social democracy flourish in Sweden, Denmark, and the Netherlands during that twenty-year period?
Free trade helps, not hurts, social welfare programs.
In Northern Europe in the early postwar decades, part of this income financed fast expansions of welfare state programs.
By identifying trade protection with protecting the environment, consumer rights, human rights, and social welfare benefits, protectionists claim the moral high ground undeservedly in the battle with free-traders.
Perhaps unwittingly, some supporters of free trade give aid and comfort to protectionists by arguing that the welfare state is incompatible with free trade.
No matter the merits of their case, supporters of a smaller welfare state everywhere must divorce their cause from the cause of free trade.
All across the continent, right-wing populist parties are gaining ground by exploiting voters’ concerns about migration and access to the welfare state.
The European policy debate has given some consideration to strengthening external borders, but there has been no talk of coordinating welfare benefits across EU borders.
It is time for the EU to introduce a single social-security identifier that allows governments to track workers as they move from one country to another and ensures that welfare benefits are portable across national jurisdictions.
Such a measure would not only help reaffirm a European identity regarding work and the welfare state; it would also facilitate a more informed debate on migration and the ongoing refugee crisis, by making it possible to assess the net fiscal contribution newcomers make to social-security programs.
As a result, refugees enter the labor market later than economic migrants and earn less, drawing resources for welfare benefits away from natives.
Addressing this gap would change the discourse in European politics and policies, not only regarding the sustainability and equitability of the welfare state, but also concerning some of the most divisive issues facing the EU – such as how to handle economic immigration and refugee flows.
Fifteen years ago, the world adopted the Millennium Development Goals to achieve specific targets for improving human welfare in the new century.
Sinn shows that the combined effects of the German tax and social welfare system virtually guarantee that no breadwinner in a family with two children can end up with less than €1,500 a month, even without working at all.
BackNext