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Weapons in sentence

2993 examples of Weapons in a sentence

Are the US and its European allies prepared for a scenario in which the agreement with Russia breaks down and Syria’s chemical weapons are not destroyed under international control?
Inspection Not InvasionThis week Hans Blix - the UN's chief weapons investigator - provided the Security Council with an interim report on the state of Iraq's compliance with all the resolutions that require it to eliminate its weapons of mass destruction.
In the vital fight to slow down the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, imagine it were possible to subject a suspected violator to the most intrusive and continuous system of international inspections far beyond what any international treaty postulates.
The best "serious consequences" of which the UN Security Council has warned should Iraq fail to comply with its obligations would be an even more intense effort to destroy its illicit weapons through continuous inspections of the country's offensive military capabilities: inspectors, not invaders.
They should publicly laud the President's statesmanship for having given the world the most effective instrument against the spread of weapons of mass-destruction, as well as for curbing Iraqi influence in the Middle East and weakening Saddam's regime.
Most Muslims also approved when the police raided and confiscated weapons at the Finsbury Park mosque in London, whose Imam had long preached hatred of the West and support for terrorists.
While it is difficult to determine China’s long-term strategic intentions, it is clear that the country’s efforts over the last decade to acquire advanced weapons systems, platforms, and technologies are gradually shifting regional security paradigms and challenging US strategic primacy.
To this end, China has been developing anti-satellite weapons, conventional ballistic missiles, long-range precision cruise missiles, electronic and cyber-warfare capabilities, submarines, surface combat vessels, multi-role combat aircraft, and advanced integrated air, missile, and early-warning defense systems.
The US would then execute a “missile suppression campaign,” which would disrupt the PLA’s air-defense and missile networks by stealthy long-range platforms, supported by submarine-launched weapons and sensors.
Alas, the same holds true for most such challenges, from terrorism and climate change to weapons proliferation and public health.
Sanctions are an ineffective tool to force North Korea’s compliance with the UN’s demand that it give up nuclear weapons, and it could prove dangerous to conclude that their pain brought Kim to the talks.
North Korea also has formidable conventional military capabilities, and estimates of human casualties could total as many as 25 million, depending on the types of weapons used, the geographical theater of the conflict, and the countries sucked into it.
Bridging these differences will not be easy, even though the US, for all its power, needs partners to fight terrorism, nuclear weapons proliferation, and global climate change.
Tehran also pledged to detail its chemical weapons programs to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons in the Hague -- though it has not yet complied American officials say.
And Iran is still trying to acquire materials for unconventional weapons, particularly long-range missiles.
After the war, each adopted a “never be surprised again” policy, and so went on to invest trillions of dollars in a multitude of hardened, mobile, and concealed nuclear weapons to deter the other.
In the spring of 2009, speaking in Prague, Obama advanced a bold ambition: a world without nuclear weapons.
Throughout the Cold War, they viewed restraints on America’s development and fielding of nuclear weapons as compromising national security.
But Obama’s team does concede one point: New START fails to curtail Russia’s large numerical advantage in tactical nuclear weapons.
Today, the bigger danger is that an increasing number of smaller countries ruled by unstable or dictatorial regimes will try to acquire nuclear weapons.
Now, if nuclear proliferation increases, the threshold for using nuclear weapons will likely fall.
A North Korea with nuclear weapons and the means to use them would add pressure on South Korea and Japan to develop their own nuclear capacity, which they could easily do.
Turkey’s position on Iran’s nuclear program has been similarly clear: we are categorically opposed to the presence of weapons of mass destruction in our region.
At its core, globalization entails the increasing volume, velocity, and importance of flows – within and across borders – of people, ideas, greenhouse gases, goods, dollars, drugs, viruses, emails, weapons, and a good deal else, challenging one of sovereignty’s fundamental principles: the ability to control what crosses borders in either direction.
Similarly, America’s preventive war against an Iraq that ignored the UN and was thought to possess weapons of mass destruction showed that sovereignty no longer provides absolute protection.
If a state fails to live up to its side of the bargain by sponsoring terrorism, either transferring or using weapons of mass destruction, or conducting genocide, then it forfeits the normal benefits of sovereignty and opens itself up to attack, removal, or occupation.
And yet, while the Fukushima disaster is attracting overdue global attention to nuclear safety and security, and provoking a reconsideration of nuclear power, its implications for nuclear weapons remain largely unremarked.
The nuclear reactions that drive reactors and weapons are the same, as are the radioactive products that are dispersed by wind, rain, and water if released, with the same lack of respect for borders and the same indiscriminate long-term cancer and genetic hazards.
Each of the world’s 437 nuclear power reactors and associated spent-fuel ponds are effectively enormous pre-positioned radiological weapons, or “dirty bombs.”
Moreover, the world is wired with 22,400 nuclear weapons.
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