Wealth
in sentence
3143 examples of Wealth in a sentence
So there is more going on here, but I'm not going to talk too much about this today, because I want to focus on
wealth
inequality.
Now, the second fact is more about
wealth
inequality, and here the central fact is that
wealth
inequality is always a lot higher than income inequality, and also that
wealth
inequality, although it has also increased in recent decades, is still less extreme today than what it was a century ago, although the total quantity of
wealth
relative to income has now recovered from the very large shocks caused by World War I, the Great Depression, World War II.
So first, if you look at the level of
wealth
inequality, this is the share of total
wealth
going to the top 10 percent of
wealth
holders, so you can see the same kind of reversal between the U.S. and Europe that we had before for income inequality.
So
wealth
concentration was higher in Europe than in the U.S. a century ago, and now it is the opposite.
But you can also show two things: First, the general level of
wealth
inequality is always higher than income inequality.
So remember, for income inequality, the share going to the top 10 percent was between 30 and 50 percent of total income, whereas for wealth, the share is always between 60 and 90 percent.
Fact number two is that the rise in
wealth
inequality in recent decades is still not enough to get us back to 1910.
So the big difference today,
wealth
inequality is still very large, with 60, 70 percent of total
wealth
for the top 10, but the good news is that it's actually better than one century ago, where you had 90 percent in Europe going to the top 10.
So today what you have is what I call the middle 40 percent, the people who are not in the top 10 and who are not in the bottom 50, and what you can view as the
wealth
middle class that owns 20 to 30 percent of total wealth, national wealth, whereas they used to be poor, a century ago, when there was basically no
wealth
middle class.
So this is an important change, and it's interesting to see that
wealth
inequality has not fully recovered to pre-World War I levels, although the total quantity of
wealth
has recovered.
So this is the total value of
wealth
relative to income, and you can see that in particular in Europe, we are almost back to the pre-World War I level.
One has to do with the total quantity of
wealth
that we accumulate, and there is nothing bad per se, of course, in accumulating a lot of wealth, and in particular if it is more diffuse and less concentrated.
So what we really want to focus on is the long-run evolution of
wealth
inequality, and what's going to happen in the future.
How can we account for the fact that until World War I,
wealth
inequality was so high and, if anything, was rising to even higher levels, and how can we think about the future?
Let me first say that probably the best model to explain why
wealth
is so much more concentrated than income is a dynamic, dynastic model where individuals have a long horizon and accumulate
wealth
for all sorts of reasons.
If people were accumulating
wealth
only for life cycle reasons, you know, to be able to consume when they are old, then the level of
wealth
inequality should be more or less in line with the level of income inequality.
But it will be very difficult to explain why you have so much more
wealth
inequality than income inequality with a pure life cycle model, so you need a story where people also care about
wealth
accumulation for other reasons.
So typically, they want to transmit
wealth
to the next generation, to their children, or sometimes they want to accumulate
wealth
because of the prestige, the power that goes with
wealth.
So there must be other reasons for accumulating
wealth
than just life cycle to explain what we see in the data.
Now, in a large class of dynamic models of
wealth
accumulation with such dynastic motive for accumulating wealth, you will have all sorts of random, multiplicative shocks.
So for instance, some families have a very large number of children, so the
wealth
will be divided.
So you will always have some mobility in the
wealth
process.
The important point is that, in any such model, for a given variance of such shocks, the equilibrium level of
wealth
inequality will be a steeply rising function of r minus g.
And intuitively, the reason why the difference between the rate of return to
wealth
and the growth rate is important is that initial
wealth
inequalities will be amplified at a faster pace with a bigger r minus g.
So take a simple example, with r equals five percent and g equals one percent,
wealth
holders only need to reinvest one fifth of their capital income to ensure that their
wealth
rises as fast as the size of the economy.
So of course some families will consume more than that, some will consume less, so there will be some mobility in the distribution, but on average, they only need to reinvest one fifth, so this allows high
wealth
inequalities to be sustained.
And in a way, this was the very foundation of society, because r bigger than g was what allowed holders of
wealth
and assets to live off their capital income and to do something else in life than just to care about their own survival.
First, a very low rate of return due to the 1914 and 1945 war shocks, destruction of wealth, inflation, bankruptcy during the Great Depression, and all of this reduced the private rate of return to
wealth
to unusually low levels between 1914 and 1945.
Just to give you one example, this comes from the Forbes billionaire rankings over the 1987-2013 period, and you can see the very top
wealth
holders have been going up at six, seven percent per year in real terms above inflation, whereas average income in the world, average
wealth
in the world, have increased at only two percent per year.
We know too little about global
wealth
dynamics, so we need international transmission of bank information.
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