Wealth
in sentence
3143 examples of Wealth in a sentence
At their best, they are places where the best and the brightest congregate, new
wealth
is created, and scholars and artists sharpen their wits and hone their creativity.
Of course, Germany owes its post-war recovery and
wealth
to its people and their hard work, innovation, and devotion to a united, democratic Europe.
The instruments of publicity on the one hand and of market and opinion research on the other are today the high cards in the games whose winnings are
wealth
(for example, market-share) and high station (for example, elected office.)
Across the West, a general feeling of decline has taken hold, owing to the shift in global
wealth
and power toward Asia.
Redistribution of
wealth
became gradually less important than the social emancipation of ethnic and sexual minorities.
The key point is that eurozone states retain their full taxing powers, which yields a simple corollary for a country with high public debt but no external debt: its public debt is held by residents, and the government can always service its debt by some form of lump-sum taxation (say, a
wealth
tax).
He kidnapped the prime minister of Lebanon, Saad Hariri, and detained a host of wealthy Saudis in the Ritz-Carlton in Riyadh, releasing them from their forced retreat only after they had parted ways with much of their
wealth.
He has, after all, eliminated the
wealth
tax, introduced greater labor-market flexibility, cut housing benefits, and introduced reforms to higher education – policies that a majority of right-wing voters embrace.
But it will not be the poor who ultimately lose out; it will be the relatively affluent households that were not previously subject to the
wealth
tax.
The idea that eliminating a
wealth
tax can benefit an entire economy is difficult to defend.
In an innovation-oriented economy that is now funded by capital rather than debt, the
wealth
tax had become a historical handicap, thwarting French industry and entrepreneurship.
Improved agricultural productivity would benefit rural areas and give farmers a comparative share in the Union’s growing
wealth.
Viewed from the standpoint of food security and the
wealth
of rural areas, there is now an urgent need to revisit the CAP’s main instruments so that a new policy formula can be introduced.
If, in a world of scarce jobs, those with political connections get them, and if, in a world of limited wealth, government officials accumulate masses of money, there will be justifiable outrage at such inequities – and at the perpetrators of these “crimes.”
Democracy in the United States, for example, has been accompanied by increasing inequality, so much so that the upper 1% now receives around one-quarter of national income – with
wealth
being even more inequitably distributed.
Indeed, most Americans today are worse off than they were a decade ago, with almost all the gains from economic growth going to the very top of the income and
wealth
distribution.
Costs to US consumers are rising and making them feel poorer, not because they have become poorer, but because the previous pattern of global imbalances exaggerated their
wealth.
Risk would be further mitigated through the participation of large, influential investors, including sovereign
wealth
funds, pension funds, and possibly international financial institutions.
Among the political benchmarks are provincial elections, enactment of an oil law that distributes oil
wealth
in a way that benefits the Sunnis, and reform of the de-Baathifcation policy, which has been so costly to those who worked in the Iraqi government under Saddam.
Perhaps once Akhmetov and his ilk comprehend the long-term risks to their businesses and wealth, they will induce MPs that are beholden to them to switch sides and unite with pro-EU forces to restore Ukraine’s European future.
According to an annual Credit Suisse report,
wealth
inequality is now growing sharply in 35 of 46 major economies, compared to just 12 before 2007.
linked with the euro, which is in the throes of an existential crisis...”This has resulted in another, albeit unintended, consequence: “Unscrupulous politicians, bureaucrats and businessmen, who have stashed their illicit
wealth
abroad, are bringing some of it back,” passing off the money as export earnings.
Secondly, frictional losses in the short term often obscure the fact that, in the long term, inputs from cheap suppliers may help secure jobs in the West, and that greater specialization increases exports as well as imports and offers gains in
wealth
for both trading partners.
Another is economic inequality, which seems largely to be worsening, as
wealth
becomes increasingly concentrated at the top of the income distribution.
At one of the tensest moments, as Cyprus was seeking an alternative rescue package from Russia, the German Bundesbank announced the results of a new European Central Bank study indicating that average German
wealth
was lower than in the southern European states, largely because fewer Germans own their own houses.
In the aftermath of the financial crisis, income and
wealth
distribution have moved to the center of political debate.
As I wrote in my chapter, “Some problematic areas identified in the Kerner Report have gotten better (participation in politics and government by black Americans – symbolized by the election of a black president), some have stayed the same (education and employment disparities), and some have gotten worse
(wealth
and income inequality).”
Thousands lost their homes, and in the end, the disparity in wealth, already large, increased even more.
Today, the Saudis see 24 million Yemenis – hungry, heavily armed, and envious of Saudi
wealth
– looking across the border.
For all of their
wealth
and planning, the Saudis remain vulnerable to the turmoil surrounding them.
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