Wealth
in sentence
3143 examples of Wealth in a sentence
The clear trend is one of concentration of income and
wealth
at the top, the hollowing out of the middle, and increasing poverty at the bottom.
A closer look at those at the top reveals a disproportionate role for rent-seeking: some have obtained their
wealth
by exercising monopoly power; others are CEOs who have taken advantage of deficiencies in corporate governance to extract for themselves an excessive share of corporate earnings; and still others have used political connections to benefit from government munificence – either excessively high prices for what the government buys (drugs), or excessively low prices for what the government sells (mineral rights).
Likewise, part of the
wealth
of those in finance comes from exploiting the poor, through predatory lending and abusive credit-card practices.
The tendency of these capital owners to save a large proportion of their income – and, in many cases, not to have a large number of children – would augment
wealth
concentration further.
Much of the existing research focuses on the US economy, where some studies have measured the growth of dominant firms’ market power through the steep upward trend in mark-up pricing; and others have examined the role of proliferating information technologies in the accumulation of “surplus wealth.”
Any and all monetary-policy actions redistribute
wealth.
As Lynn Stout of Cornell Law School has put it, they are “human beings with differing investment time frames, different interests ex ante and ex post, different degrees of diversification, and different attitudes toward sacrificing personal
wealth
to follow ethical rules and avoid harming others.”
That sentiment – a product of slow economic recovery, ever-widening
wealth
and income inequality, and a racially infused sense of insecurity (particularly among white men) – makes for volatile politics.
And his supposed success in business (his record is actually mixed) convinces his followers that he knows how to get things done, while his enormous personal
wealth
is seen as making him incorruptible.
If anything has been laid to rest by China’s rising wealth, it is the comforting idea that capitalism, and the growth of a prosperous bourgeoisie, will inevitably lead to liberal democracy.
What if the bargain struck between the Chinese middle classes and the one-party state were to fall apart, owing to a pause, or even a setback, in the race for material
wealth?
The majority of citizens agree with President Barack Obama that tax increases for deficit reduction should fall on the top 2-3% of taxpayers, who have enjoyed the largest gains in income and
wealth
over the last 30 years.
Power and
wealth
are not only diffusing across the international system, but also within states, such that corporations, foundations, wealthy individuals, private investment funds, civil-society groups, and most recently, municipal governments all have a role to play in development.
First, falling labor income implies falling consumption for households, which have already been hard hit by a massive loss of
wealth
(as the value of equities and homes has fallen) and a sharp rise in their debt ratios.
In the words of David Brooks of The New York Times: “After decades of affluence, the US has drifted away from the hardheaded practical mentality that built the nation’s
wealth
in the first place….America’s brightest minds have been abandoning industry and technical enterprise in favor of more prestigious but less productive fields like law, finance, consulting, and nonprofit activism.”
Thus the two largest countries on the Arabian peninsula – Saudi Arabia, the biggest in terms of landmass and oil wealth, and Yemen in terms of population – are now locked in life-and-death struggles with internal enemies.
Most importantly, their tactics have proven massively destructive of
wealth
in the US.
In effect, the Tea Party is working hard to reduce publicly funded social benefits – including pensions and Medicare – even as its methods dramatically reduce the value of private
wealth
now and in the future.
Paradoxically, today's Left benefits from a nostalgia for those Colorado times, when Uruguay's
wealth
made the elder Batlle's populism possible.
China’s entrepreneurs and its rapidly expanding middle class are concerned, first and foremost, about their property rights, including the security of their accumulated wealth, amid regulatory tightening with regard to taxation, finance, cross-border capital flows, and even the environment.
Savings in the household sector declined and leveled off at about zero, as low interest rates led to over-leveraging, an asset bubble, and an illusory increase in
wealth.
For example, Norway, which has been promoting positive gender discrimination for years and recently elected Erna Solberg as its first female prime minister, has yet to allow a woman to control the purse strings – at either the central bank or the finance ministry, with its powerful sovereign
wealth
fund.
The boom in the world’s housing markets and stock markets between 2003 and 2006 was caused by this faulty idea, and the idea that investments in homes and equities are a sure route to
wealth.
For the first time in the parliament’s history, its members acknowledged the private sector as a key partner in
wealth
creation in the developing world.
After all, it is extremely inconvenient to have in Greece a government that is so opposed to the types of policies that have done so much to increase inequality in so many advanced countries, and that is so committed to curbing the unbridled power of
wealth.
Much of Africa's ill-gotten
wealth
is now stashed abroad.
Foreign borrowing and capital flight were connected by a financial revolving door, as funds borrowed in the name of governments were captured by politically connected individuals and channeled overseas as their private
wealth.
Underpinning comparisons of different models is the wish to find an absolutely secure way of generating
wealth
and prosperity.
From a longer-term perspective, there are only temporary surges of relative wealth, just as there are only temporary surges of apparent success in a particular way of doing business.
The late nineteenth and the twentieth century produced a different sort of growth, because public policies and resources could be used to protect accumulated
wealth
from the otherwise inevitable erosion stemming from competitive pressure.
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