Wealth
in sentence
3143 examples of Wealth in a sentence
This psychic
wealth
can be created without illegality: mistake or self-delusion is enough.
Munger coined the term “febezzle,” or “functionally equivalent bezzle,” to describe the
wealth
that exists in the interval between the creation and the destruction of the illusion.
The joy of the bezzle is that two people – each ignorant of the other’s existence and role – can enjoy the same
wealth.
The stores of transitory
wealth
that were created seemed real enough to everyone at the time – real enough to spend, and real enough to hurt those who were obliged to pay them back.
Until his assassination, Fortuyn's rise was conspicuous because he flaunted his
wealth
in the land of "the embarrassment of riches."
With investment and proper management, wastewater can become a sustainable source of
wealth
for many Africans, with added benefits for human health, agricultural productivity, and environmental sustainability.
One idea about which economists agree almost unanimously is that, beyond mineral wealth, the bulk of the huge income difference between rich and poor countries is attributable to neither capital nor education, but rather to “technology.”
So, while agreeing that technology underpins the
wealth
of nations sounds more meaningful than confessing our ignorance, it really is not.
Politics is regarded as a no-holds-barred fight for power, economics as a ruthless scramble for wealth, and technology as the magic elixir for more economic growth.
In truth, according to Francis and Bartholomew, we need politics, economics, and technology to serve a far greater purpose than power, wealth, or economic growth.
The US has vast power, wealth, and growth, and yet diminished wellbeing.
The US economy, alas, is an out-of-control juggernaut, chasing oil
wealth
and jeopardizing our very survival.
Of course the US is not alone in the mad pursuit of
wealth
over wellbeing.
Clearly,
wealth
in itself is no guarantee of reduced CO2 emissions.
Housing booms thus create only an illusion of wealth, though it is compelling enough to induce excessive consumption, as occurred in the United States over the last decade.
Conversely, a crash in house prices does not destroy any real
wealth
(the houses still stand).
Though an average American childhood may not be the worst in the world, the disparity between the country’s
wealth
and the condition of its children is unparalleled.
The growing concentration of
wealth
– and a significant reduction in taxes on it – has meant less money to spend on investments for the public good, like education and the protection of children.
As the first United Nations Human Development Report put it in 1990: “People are the real
wealth
of a nation.”
But last weekend, she did it again, telling The Guardian that, “unlike a lot of people who are truly well off,” she and her husband “pay ordinary income tax,” and that their
wealth
came only “through dint of hard work.”
At a time of ever-increasing income disparity in America, is it not a serious political flaw in any presidential candidate not to know how to speak sensitively about
wealth
and poverty?
In terms of transmission, the Fed has focused on the so-called
wealth
effect.
The ECB, however, will have a harder time making the case for
wealth
effects, largely because equity ownership by individuals (either direct or through their pension accounts) is far lower in Europe than in the US or Japan.
In an environment of excess debt and inadequate savings,
wealth
effects have done very little to ameliorate the balance-sheet recession that clobbered US households when the property and credit bubbles burst.
But we do have a
wealth
of experience from which to draw inferences.
This
wealth
of experience all points in one direction: Keynes's teachings are still very much alive, and Argentina today would be in far better shape if his lessons had been taken to heart.
The supposedly scientific evidence that government economic intervention is almost always counter-productive legitimized an enormous shift in the distribution of wealth, from industrial workers to the owners and managers of financial capital, and of power, from organized labor to business interests.
First, it allows for many savers to pool their
wealth
to finance large enterprises that can achieve the efficiencies of scale possible from capital-intensive modern industry.
It is also true that when we invest our
wealth
– in Pfizer’s intellectual property, factories in Shenzhen, worldwide distribution networks, or shopping malls in Atlanta – it is not , in fact, at hand.
Our invested
wealth
can only be made to appear liquid to any one of us, and only if there is no general shift in our collective desire for liquidity.
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