Wealth
in sentence
3143 examples of Wealth in a sentence
Russian President Vladimir Putin has been hoarding national
wealth
in state-owned banks and now refers to Russian oil and gas companies as “national treasures.”
Even more disturbing, on the second day of the trial, the Chinese police formally arrested Xu Zhiyong, a human-rights lawyer who was leading a campaign to force mandatory disclosure of the
wealth
of senior officials and their family members.
Moreover, income and
wealth
inequality is rising again: poorer households are at greater risk of unemployment, falling wages, or reductions in hours worked, all leading to lower labor income, whereas on Wall Street outrageous bonuses have returned with a vengeance.
With the stock market rising while home prices are still falling, the wealthy are becoming richer, while the middle class and the poor – whose main
wealth
is a home rather than equities – are becoming poorer and being saddled with an unsustainable debt burden.
Paying down debt on credit cards or mortgages also counts as saving – but increases in the value of existing assets like stocks or real estate do not, even though they increase the value of household
wealth.
Household
wealth
is now $10 trillion dollars less than it was before the recession began.
That fall in
wealth
means that households must save more to prepare for retirement, and that retirees are not able to dissave as much as they did before.
Households’ need to rebuild wealth, and the lack of access to credit, implies that the saving rate could continue to rise from the 6.4% recorded in June (the most recent month for which data are available) to the 9% rate that America averaged in the decades before 1985.
For a parrot, that’s a no-brainer: the public-debt problem is not that governments have issued so much debt that investors have lost confidence, but that governments have issued too little debt given the enormous private-sector demand for safe places to park
wealth.
The only other significant channel to transmit QE to the real economy is the
wealth
effect of an equity-market increase, but there is some circularity in the argument that QE3 will lead to a persistent rise in equity prices.
If persistent asset reflation requires a significant GDP growth recovery, it is tautological to say that if equity prices rise enough following QE, the resulting increase in GDP from a
wealth
effect justifies the rise in asset prices.
But growth, while necessary, is insufficient by itself, given today’s high unemployment and the extent to which income and
wealth
inequalities have increased.
Many members of this group honor the institution of private property, and Ahmadinejad’s talk of redistributing
wealth
is not to their liking.
From the point of view of wealth, it is as if those savings did not exist.
The point is that creating and deploying knowhow is an important source of
wealth
creation.
Behind the growth of
wealth
and inequality lies not just capital, but also knowhow.
The mystique of immense wealth, noble birth, and great exclusivity is further sustained by the global mass media that promote these rituals.
Tax codes written for an analog economy and statistical methods that fail to capture real
wealth
will not do.
Since the financial crisis, US households have deleveraged and built up
wealth.
Based on these data revisions, a heftier portion of this
wealth
accumulation came the old-fashioned way, by consuming less income.
What the Kirchners have done well is to use the
wealth
gained from exports to strengthen the economy and improve conditions for the middle and lower classes.
Putin’s regime is simply a Russian version of clientelism, with
wealth
and economic opportunity distributed on the basis of political fealty.
Although this historically unprecedented velocity of change makes generalizations more hazardous than usual, it is safe to say that one basic way in which the world has changed is the manner in which
wealth
is created.
But does anyone think that the people who ran European banks into the ground will leave their positions with anything less than considerable
wealth?
Elements within Russia's political power structure have periodically waged war on the country's business elite--either to rein in the political ambitions of the oligarchs or to grab a bit of
wealth
for themselves--ever since the Soviet collapse.
What is different now is that this war--a defining feature of the Yeltsin era--was supposedly settled by President Putin early on in his administration, when he offered the oligarchs a deal: keep your wealth, we won't investigate how you got it, but stay out of politics.
None of the real
wealth
of Russia has come their way.
They object to vast differences in
wealth
and think large accumulations of it must be the product of theft, not work and risk.
He understands the worldview of the ex-KGB men in the Kremlin very well and is unlikely to approve of revisiting how property and
wealth
are divided in Russia.
After all, a new division of
wealth
could occur only in the wake of a revolution that would disturb his hold on power.
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