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Warheads in sentence

102 examples of Warheads in a sentence

Indeed, when Russia demanded that agreed limitations on nuclear strategic warheads be defined in a document binding both Moscow and Washington, the US balked, preferring a vague declaration of principle instead.
It also specified scenarios in which the US might use nuclear weapons first, even against non-nuclear states, and called for a new generation of US nuclear warheads, including low yield or so-called "mini-nukes."
Part of the Israeli nuclear arsenal is being shifted to sea, with atomic warheads on diesel submarines, to prevent their being targeted in a surprise attack.
If those talks are successful, they may yield cuts of up to one-third of all strategic nuclear warheads.
Or consider the Indian subcontinent, where distrustful neighbors armed with nuclear warheads pose a danger to themselves and the world.
True, the defense against missiles which Bill Clinton (reluctantly) and George W. Bush (enthusiastically) are proposing – with massive support from America’s Congress – is different from Ronald Reagan’s Star Wars dream of twenty years ago: NMD is supposed to catch only a modest number of warheads, not provide complete protection against enemy missiles.
No one in his right mind can assume that something never achieved before, namely destroying a small number of warheads in flight, will happen over night.
If the US and China are to avoid being steered by North Korea onto a collision course, they probably have four or five years to pursue a joint strategy – a timetable established by the point at which North Korea could have the technology to load miniaturized nuclear warheads atop long-range missiles.
Together, they hold nearly 25,000 nuclear warheads – 96% of the global nuclear arsenal.
The main expectations are for a reduction of nuclear armaments, a cutback in the number of launch-ready warheads (de-alerting), negotiations on a Fissile Materials Cut-off Treaty, ratification of the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty, and other means of strengthening practical implementation of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, especially its universal adoption.
The tests have led most experts to believe that North Korea has significantly expanded its nuclear and ballistic-missile capabilities, and that by 2020 it may be able to affix miniaturized nuclear warheads onto long-range missiles capable of reaching the continental US.
These fears are exacerbated by Obama’s declared intention to work alongside NATO in seeking to reduce by as many as 5,000 Russia’s arsenal of TNWs – which dwarfs NATO’s holdings of roughly 200 – and to have the remaining warheads relocated away from NATO members’ territory.
Likewise, the vast majority of European countries – from Finland to Portugal – have no wish to reside in the shadow of Russian nuclear warheads with nothing to protect them.
In that case, China, needing to test its new warheads, is likely to drive through the gap in the testing regime just blasted by America's Senate.
Yet, increasingly, the South China Sea seems set to become a “Lake Beijing,” which analysts say will be to China what the Sea of Okhotsk was to Soviet Russia: a sea deep enough for the People’s Liberation Army’s navy to base their nuclear-powered attack submarines, capable of launching missiles with nuclear warheads.
Although Russia and the US possess roughly 90% of the world’s nuclear warheads, their nuclear capabilities are less of a threat than is the danger of proliferation.
Today, Pakistan possesses more nuclear warheads than India does.
A crisis could stem from other factors as well: a large increase in the number of nuclear warheads that North Korea produces, evidence that it is selling nuclear materials to terrorist groups, or some use of its conventional military forces against South Korea or US forces stationed there.
One problem with this approach is uncertainty as to whether military strikes could destroy all of the North’s missiles and warheads.
Once talks commenced, the US side could advance a deal: North Korea would have to agree to freeze its nuclear and missile capabilities, which would require cessation of all testing of both warheads and missiles, along with access to international inspectors to verify compliance.
Indeed, the Soviet Union itself eventually collapsed because of its shortage economy, not a lack of missiles and nuclear warheads.
The United States and Russia have started negotiations on deep cuts in their nuclear arsenals, which together account for 95% of the world’s 27,000 warheads.
Russia and the United States have each deployed more than 1,800 strategic warheads on several hundred submarines, bombers, and missiles – far more than is necessary to deter a nuclear attack.
Meanwhile, North Korea could soon be able to arm ballistic missiles with nuclear warheads, a development that would pose a significant threat to all of Asia.
Similarly, without test explosions, newer nuclear-armed states will have a far more difficult time developing and fielding smaller, more easily deliverable warheads.
For example, the inspectors found a dozen chemical weapons warheads in mint condition in a relatively new warehouse, but minimized the significance of their discovery by arguing that the warheads were empty.
Never mind that storing warheads in this way is simply an elementary protocol of proper handling procedures.
Storing warheads that are filled with chemicals would be dangerous and wasteful.
But Blix dismissed this as "not a serious problem," and did not require Iraq to produce the poisons to be used to arm the warheads.
For example, previous treaties in the SALT and START series to reduce US and Soviet or Russian arsenals were aimed at limiting the number of nuclear warheads deployed on bombers, missiles, and submarines.
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