Warfare in sentence

395 examples of Warfare in a sentence

The European Union’s feeble response to the warfare in Gaza and Lebanon has oscillated between understanding and condemnation of the disproportionate use of force by Israel (described as “ten eyes for one” by the Finnish presidency), thereby betraying its dependence on the US to end the violence.

Indeed, people in jihadist-controlled areas are deeply unhappy with Al Qaeda thugs terrorizing them and trying to enforce their version of Islamic mores – so much so that the Assad regime increasingly appears to be a better alternative to continued warfare or an Al Qaeda takeover.

During the fighting in Gaza, he publicly demanded a halt to the warfare and requested that Israel open Gaza’s borders to relief aid.

Norms that may be ripe for discussion outside the GGE process could include protected status for the core functions of the Internet; supply-chain standards and liability for the Internet of Things; treatment of election processes as protected infrastructure; and, more broadly, norms for issues such as crime and information warfare.

Unfortunately, the territorial defense guarantee that comes with NATO membership does little good in a conflict conducted in the shadows through assassinations, cyber warfare, and criminal subterfuge.

In any case, North Korea – which has invested heavily in forward deployed special forces and other asymmetrical elements of contemporary warfare – seems to be gearing up for an offensive, if only it can get the US out of the way.

But, in the last decade, South Korea’s security environment has become increasingly complex, as traditional threats, scenarios, and contingencies linked to conventional, high-intensity warfare have converged with asymmetric and unconventional threats.

Effective deterrence and defense against possible long-range artillery barrages, missile attacks, infiltration, and WMD-related asymmetric forms of warfare are also essential.

Chinese strategic thinking about “political warfare” holds that an adversary’s political, social, and economic institutions – particularly the media – should be targeted before a shooting war ever begins.

Guterres lamented that “there is no regulatory scheme for that type of warfare,” noting that “it is not clear how the Geneva Convention or international humanitarian law applies to it.”

But it can build robust conventional capabilities, including information systems to cope with the risk of cyber warfare.

The media seem to think so, though with relations between government and industry still only a notch below open warfare, it is difficult to be sure.

Oscar Jonsson, a doctoral student at King’s College London who specializes in Russian non-military warfare, told me that what makes countering Russian interference so difficult is that the tactics are subtle, sophisticated, and often believable.

Drug cartels and gang warfare may ruin the lives of thousands of innocent people, but they should not be seen as equivalent to the ideological revolutionaries who used to wreak havoc in the region, or to contemporary mass terrorists.

In retrospect, "national" terrorism in Africa was a form of warfare that must be judged within its political and moral context, and by its ultimate results.

A major factor, however, was implicit class warfare.

In the UK, these two powerful political currents – rejection of immigration and class warfare – were joined by the widespread sentiment that EU institutions are dysfunctional.

Our spending plan prioritizes the development and fielding of the newest, most capable technology, including Virginia-class submarines, fifth-generation F-22 and F-35 fighters, P-8 maritime patrol aircraft, new electronic warfare and communications capabilities, and improved precision weapons and cruise missiles.

Indeed, unilateralism remains the leitmotif of US foreign policy, and this is also reflected in its international interventions, whether cyber warfare and surveillance, drone attacks, or efforts to bring about regime change.

Economic integration has advanced so far that a return to the national rivalries that twice led the continent into suicidal warfare is unthinkable.

The current crisis in the Caucasus does not mark the return of the Cold War, nor is it likely to mark the start of open warfare between Russia and the West; it is, more simply, the return of the traditional imperialism practiced by the Russian Empire more than a century ago.

The treaties signed in 1648 concluded nearly a century of religious warfare by enshrining the principle of cuius regio, eius religio (“whose realm, his religion”).

But Lebanon is not alone in that respect: according to the UN and several independent studies, countries in transition from war to peace face roughly a 50% chance of sliding back into warfare.

Will the endgame be renewed class warfare, with populist governments coming to power, stretching the limits of income redistribution, and asserting greater state control over economic life?

But the kind of state-sponsored hybrid warfare on display today is something new.

It is the Mexicans and other immigrants who bring their gang warfare into the country.

This senseless political warfare has hampered cross-strait economic relations.

Moreover, the tubercle bacillus engages in trench warfare, gaining resistance to conventional antibiotics and canonical vaccination approaches, as well as delaying diagnosis and determination of drug sensitivity.

The Gaza TrapTEL AVIV – Israel’s “Operation Protective Edge” against Hamas in Gaza is the kind of asymmetrical warfare that has characterized nearly all Middle East conflicts in recent years.

Yet the most portentous decisions had to be taken: changes in the military and civilian leadership, and, in 1917, whether to declare unrestricted submarine warfare and thus insure the United States’ entry into the war.

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