Wages
in sentence
1758 examples of Wages in a sentence
If Greece had defaulted in January, this primary surplus could (in theory) have been redirected from interest payments to finance the higher wages, pensions, and public spending that Syriza had promised in its election campaign.
With the primary surplus gone, a default would no longer permit Tsipras to fulfill Syriza’s campaign promises; on the contrary, it would imply even bigger cutbacks in wages, pensions, and public spending than the “troika” – the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the IMF – is now demanding.
Instead, the EU can now rely on the Greek government itself to punish its people by failing to pay
wages
and pensions and honor bank guarantees.
Even if the Greek government decides to pay
wages
and pensions by printing its own IOUs or “new drachmas,” the European Court of Justice will rule that all domestic debts and bank deposits must be repaid in euros.
According to Trump, the US has suffered a net job loss under NAFTA, because Mexican workers are paid lower
wages
for work that was previously done in the US.
As she put it in her acceptance speech: “If someone told you that, with just 12 years of investment of about $1 billion a year, you could, across the developing world, increase economic growth, decrease infant mortality, increase agricultural yields, improve maternal health, improve children’s health and nutrition, increase the numbers of children – girls and boys – in school, slow down population growth, increase the number of men and women who can read and write, decrease the spread of AIDS, add new people to the work force, and be able to improve their
wages
without pushing others out of the work force, what would you say?
Intensive discussions since September among Japanese government, business, and labor leaders have been geared toward setting in motion an upward, virtuous cycle whereby increased
wages
lead to more robust growth.
Here, the wage surprise stands out, because only when the long-missing link between corporate profitability and
wages
is restored will investment in houses, cars, and other durables, and household consumption in general, finally rid Japan of its deflation and put its economy on a sustained growth path.
Japan is now witnessing the emergence of a similar national consensus, or, rather, the Dutch consensus in reverse: a shared sense that the government, major industries, and organized labor should work together to increase
wages
and bonuses (while facilitating incentives that could enhance productivity).
But it is equally true that the emerging consensus among the government, business leaders, and trade unions already has led a growing number of companies to promise significantly higher
wages
and bonuses.
The Great Recession has exacerbated inequality, with cutbacks in basic social expenditures and with high unemployment putting downward pressure on
wages.
It is only in more sluggish industrial economies, where
wages
are assumed to be inflexible, that policymakers advocate exchange-rate movements as a means to overcome wage stickiness.
However, in rapidly growing emerging markets,
wages
are often sufficiently flexible on the upside.
For example, if an employer (particularly an exporter) fears future renminbi appreciation, he may hesitate to raise
wages
in line with productivity increases, in order to keep his costs under control.
But if he can be confident that the exchange rate will remain stable, he will not need to restrain
wages
– and China has experienced 10-15% annual wage growth already.
An economy running hot enough to create jobs at a rapid rate – what some, most recently Fed Chair Janet Yellen, have called a “high-pressure economy” – will eventually lead to higher real
wages
and incomes for workers.
Thanks to increased demand for labor, workers’ real
wages
– up 2.5% in the last year – have risen in this business cycle at the fastest rate since the early 1970s.
In such cases, countries can act as welfare magnets, attracting many more migrants than would be economically advisable, because the newcomers receive, in addition to their wages, a migration grant in the form of public transfers.
Only if migrants received only
wages
could efficient self-regulation in migration be expected.
In the absence of rebalancing, any one of several potential tipping points could seriously compromise the economy’s ability to pull off another soft landing: deteriorating credit quality in the banking system; weakening export competitiveness as
wages
rise; key environmental, governance, and social problems (namely, pollution, corruption, and inequality); and, of course, foreign-policy missteps, as suggested by escalating problems with Japan.
This makes one doubt that hostility to mass immigration is simply a protest against job losses, depressed wages, and growing inequality.
The argument here is that if you increase the quantity of labor, its price (wages) falls.
The increase in profits leads to more investment, which will increase demand for labor, thereby reversing the initial fall in
wages.
The so-called temporary effects in terms of displaced native workers and lower
wages
may last five or ten years, while the beneficial effects assume an absence of recession.
The “claim that immigrants take jobs from local workers and push down their wages,” Rowthorn argues, “may be exaggerated, but it is not always false.”
But these facts do not count when
wages
are stagnating (as in the UK) or unemployment continues to rise (as in France).
As a result, total labor income – the product of jobs times hours worked times average hourly
wages
– has fallen dramatically.
Moreover, many employers, seeking to share the pain of recession and slow down layoffs, are now asking workers to accept cuts in both hours and hourly
wages.
Yet even this estimate probably understates the true costs, as it does not take into account the decrease in lifetime
wages
from delayed investment in human capital and shorter work experience.
Estimates from other countries indicate that these additional costs may total 5% of lifetime
wages.
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