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Wages in sentence

1758 examples of Wages in a sentence

To realize that potential, the tradable sector has to re-expand at the margin: as a weakening currency causes imports to fall and real unit labor costs decline as nominal wages flatten out, unemployed labor and capital flow toward external markets for goods, services, and resources.
But such adjustments cannot happen in a monetary union, so unit labor costs are slowly re-converging via a protracted process of flat nominal wage growth and slowly declining real wages (a process that would be quicker with higher inflation in Germany and Northern Europe).
Moreover, the relative abundance of well-educated workers implies low initial wages and the ability to compete internationally in labor-intensive manufacturing activities – for example, in footwear, textiles and garments, and electronic assembly – which can form the basis for export-led industrialization.
Over time, as businesses have cut back on investment in response to diminishing returns, growth in labor productivity and hourly wages has slowed, and workers in many households have dropped out of the workforce.
In fact, since 1970, aggregate labor compensation (wages plus fringe benefits) has grown only a little more slowly than aggregate profits have, and average wage growth at the bottom of the income scale has not slowed relative to the “middle class.”
As for wages, even with one-third of the US labor force changing jobs every year, sociological factors and human-network ties appear to exercise an even stronger influence on the level and rate of change – at the expense of balancing supply and demand – than I would have expected.
In a demand-constrained regime, recent measures to increase labor-market flexibility – and thus facilitate the lowering of wages by employers – will not result in faster growth.
On the contrary, lower wages will lead to decreased spending, aggravating the depression, and further increase the likelihood of immigration to the US, where salaries are substantially higher.
Indeed, part of international investors’ attraction to countries like Vietnam and China is not simply that wages are low, but that the absence of democratic rights promises to lock in cheap labor for years to come.
Workers’ wages in the US, Canada, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and other developed countries would be inexorably competed down toward those of lower-wage trading partners, while developing-country workers would find it increasingly difficult – even in nominal democracies – to improve their standard of living.
This is not surprising: In the US, where almost five million manufacturing jobs have disappeared since the adoption of the North American Free Trade Agreement, and where real wages have stagnated, a majority of voters across the political spectrum are opposed to more such treaties.
America’s Confidence EconomyLAGUNA BEACH – Financial markets seem convinced that the recent surge in business and consumer confidence in the US economy will soon be reflected in “hard” data, such as GDP growth, business investment, consumption, and wages.
Germany’s immense current-account surplus – the excess savings generated by suppressing wages to subsidize exports – has been both a cause of the eurozone crisis and an obstacle to resolving it.
Its workforce stands to suffer, slowly but surely, from erosion of its relative advantages in terms of wages and job security.
Mass street protests have started – not led by opposition political parties but by workers and middle-class families facing job losses and declining wages.
Jens Weidmann provided the novel spectacle of a Bundesbank president calling for higher wages.
The same holds true for further reforms of the labor market, which has been liberalized significantly in recent years, amid rapidly declining real wages.
The McKinsey study used 15 indicators – including common measurements of economic equality, like wages and labor-force participation rates, as well as metrics for social, political, and legal equality – to assign “gender parity scores” to 95 countries, accounting for 97% of global GDP and 93% of the world’s women.
Forty of the countries studied still exhibit high or very high levels of gender inequality in most aspects of work – especially labor-force participation rates, wages, leadership positions, and unpaid care work – as well as in legal protections, political representation, and violence against women.
In Ireland, Spain, and even Portugal, exports grew strongly when the domestic economy collapsed and wages adjusted.
But even if prices and wages were to fall by 30% over the next few years (which would most likely be socially and politically unsustainable), the real value of debt would increase sharply, worsening the insolvency of governments and private debtors.
And, collectively, that delusion boosts our savings, and thus our capital stock, which on turn boosts all of our wages and salaries as well.
It has also been a major factor behind the emergence of large and growing differences in the wages of workers with a college education or higher and those of workers with lower levels of educational attainment.
As a result, the real wages of workers without a college education have fallen even further behind.
Jobs were lost to China in the first half of the 2000’s, but in recent years – as Chinese wages (measured in dollars) rose quickly – the advantages of producing in Mexico reasserted themselves.
As wages grew faster than productivity in the run-up to the crisis, competitiveness also suffered, and domestic demand became the main engine of growth.
The “New Keynesian” paradigm that sees business cycles as arising from temporary rigidities in wages and prices is insufficient to account for events like the Great Depression and the Great Recession.
Add to that the motivation-dampening effects of low wages and ample space for productivity catch-up, and it seems unlikely that these economies will keep pace with their advanced counterparts in AI adoption.
It is likely to work because the Greek government finds it increasingly difficult to scrape together enough money to pay wages and pensions at the end of each month.
The Tsipras-Varoufakis strategy assumed that Greece could credibly threaten to default, because the government, if forced to follow through, would still have more than enough money to pay for wages, pensions, and public services.
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