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Voters in sentence

3161 examples of Voters in a sentence

Endearing politicians to voters further are new spending increases and tax cuts that can be undertaken, as accelerating economic growth causes the debt-to-GDP ratio to fall.
If American voters, as seems likely, take away the Republicans’ majority in the House of Representatives in the midterm elections this November, the chances of saving the international order will be even higher.
Across the European continent, more voters have come to see traditional political parties as self-interested and power-hungry.
Young voters, in particular, seem to have less interest in working for traditional parties, which they view as overly bureaucratic, and thus boring.
Of course, democracies have a long history of over-rewarding current voters at the expense of future generations, but the current scale and scope of fiscal largess is mistimed to both the trend and cycle of the US economy.
The easiest steps are those that increase voters’ security, in the widest sense, because such policies are within the control of political leaders.
Only if voters’ economic insecurity is diminished is there any hope for active policies to assimilate or integrate refugees, whose numbers Western leaders cannot directly control.
Indeed, politicians, eager to look good in the eyes of angry voters, are often more interested in setting limits to total compensation than they are in designing the optimal form of compensation.
And in the previous year, a narrow majority of British voters had decided to take their country out of the European Union, and Americans had elected a president who was critical of NATO and openly admired Russian President Vladimir Putin.
So the preference of the possible Republican voters has been for someone who hasn’t been “tainted” by “Washington.”
Whether an “establishment” figure – one backed by the party leadership, such as former Florida Governor Jeb Bush or New Jersey Governor Chris Christie – can catch on with voters will become clearer only after Iowa and New Hampshire have voted.
Indeed, because she lacks the intense connection with voters needed to encourage them to turn out in a close race, her frontrunner status could, paradoxically, become her greatest weakness.
And yet, while this suggests that the candidates need to display policy mastery and even, now and again, genuine statesmanship, they are instead merely assuring voters that they will “keep us safe,” as if that said anything useful about how to survive and prosper in today’s world.
But American voters (and the rest of the world) need some sign that the presidential candidates can explain how that pest got there in the first place and what must be done to ensure that it doesn’t reemerge elsewhere.
A display of knowledge and wisdom might assure voters that a candidate brings to bear an approach and a way of thinking that involves more than simply treating symptoms.
A sustainable foreign policy cannot be all things to all people, and the presidential candidates need to be clearer with voters about that.
To be sure, there is no substitute for on-the-job learning; nonetheless, voters need to hear more than tired slogans and political invective to make an informed choice in November 2016.
Irish voters may reject the fiscal compact in a referendum.
Such biased reporting can easily turn voters against a leader.
Fortunately for Japan, its voters have not been duped.
In the United States, by contrast, biased news stories, especially on social media, appear to be having a powerful effect on voters, and have propelled political polarization to unprecedented levels.
But the state of US politics today does highlight the need for voters everywhere to have access to complete and objective accounts of what is happening in their country and the world.
Support for the BJP in Karnataka, with its affluent, well-educated voters and its significant Christian and Muslim minority populations, was widely depicted as evidence that the party – usually identified with Hindu chauvinism and an electoral base concentrated in Hindi-speaking northern states – could broaden its appeal beyond its traditional constituencies.
And yet, amid this turmoil – indeed, in a week in which two government ministers resigned in the face of allegations of corruption and impropriety – Karnataka’s voters gave Congress 121 of the state assembly’s 224 seats and reduced the BJP’s total to just 40.
Instead of turning to the state’s two regional parties – one headed by a former prime minister of India, the other by a former chief minister – Karnataka’s voters sought refuge in the tested Congress, enabling it to secure a firm majority in the state assembly.
Voters initially proved susceptible to such appeals: “Isn’t it time people like us came to power?” is a question that resonates with those who see themselves as excluded.
But, in state after state, “identity” voters were soon asking what “people like us” were doing with the power they won.
The BPAC led a non-partisan better-governance campaign to mobilize the city’s young voters, who have often not bothered to vote in state and national elections, registering more than 600,000 new voters and supporting over a dozen candidates from four parties, several of whom won.
Congress has no grounds for complacency, but it knows that if it delivers, the voters will remember.
Both politicians are keen to tap into voters’ concerns about global warming.
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