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Voters in sentence

3161 examples of Voters in a sentence

And, indeed, the legacy of Third Reich hyper-chauvinism and “actually existing socialism” in the eastern part of the country has inculcated in most Germans a cautious centrism, rendering extremist parties unsupportable for the majority of voters.
According to one recent opinion poll, 71% of German voters actively distrust their government, while 70% have no faith in the reporting of the mainstream media.
Perhaps more surprising, there is a similar disparity between voters and political leaders on certain economic issues.
Only about 31% of German voters actively oppose kicking Greece out of the eurozone – something that German leaders have proved loath to do.
They should then redouble their efforts to reach out to disgruntled voters on the left and the right who – justifiably or not – feel economically, culturally, and politically disenfranchised.
In the United States, for example, the sound of billions of dollars flowing into election-campaign coffers is drowning out the voices of individual voters.
As shop-worn as these tricks are, voters and journalists still fall for them, so they remain useful tools for anyone posing as a fiscal conservative.
But, crucially, the Liberals and Scottish Nationalists would enthusiastically support a referendum as long as it offered voters the option of keeping Britain in the EU.
Whatever the outcome, voters would have made an honest choice between genuinely and properly articulated options.
And now, with the anti-austerity Syriza party’s overwhelming election victory, Greek voters have declared that they have had enough.
If Europe says no to Greek voters’ demand for a change of course, it is saying that democracy is of no importance, at least when it comes to economics.
It turns out that older voters are rather sympathetic to nationalist movements.
Among today’s populists, only Marine Le Pen of France’s National Rally (formerly the National Front) – and possibly Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil – relies on younger voters.
For example, immigration tends to instill more fear in older voters, because they are usually more attached to traditional values and self-contained communities.
So, while right-wing populists have attracted older voters, left-wing populist have gained a following among younger generations.
By backing right-wing populists, older voters hope to return to a time when domestic affairs were insulated from global forces and national borders were less porous.
And they often appeal directly to older voters by promising to lower the retirement age and expand pension benefits (both are flagship policies of the League).
As a result, older voters will demand more and more socioeconomic security, and irresponsible populists will be waiting in the wings to accommodate them.
To stem the nationalist tide, mainstream parties urgently need to devise a new social compact that addresses the mounting sense of insecurity among older voters.
In many ways, older voters’ infatuation with populists is a cry for help.
So a Greek default within the euro, far from allowing Syriza to honor its election promises, would inflict even greater austerity on Greek voters than they endured under the troika program.
Political parties and candidates use promises to woo voters, and then to win support for policies.
British voters could – as our closest friends and allies, from the US to Japan, have advised – choose to remain citizens of the real world.
Hollande, by appearing more sound and determined than most French voters thought he was, has given a voice (and a face) to a widespread desire to reject the incumbent, Nicolas Sarkozy.
This strategy may make sense in the first round, but, by attracting extreme-right voters in the first round, Sarkozy could lose the support of centrist voters in the run-off.
Yet, barring a last-minute miracle – a major mistake by Hollande that wrecks his credibility, or a fresh bout of crisis that stokes voters’ desire for reassuring continuity at the top – Sarkozy appears condemned to be the second one-term president in the history of the Fifth Republic, following Valéry Giscard d’Estaing.
As we saw in 2008, when Irish referendum voters refused to ratify the Treaty of Lisbon, there is a potential anti-immigrant voting bloc in the poorer parts of Dublin.
These are the same kind of voters who turned out for the UK’s Brexit referendum – poorer people who have not felt the gains from globalization.
There is still a huge amount to play for: we don’t know which of these two outcomes English voters would choose.
All of this benefits elected leaders, who win the support of voters who feel wealthier, the formerly unemployed who find jobs, and the homeowners whose houses are rising in value.
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