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Union in sentence

2117 examples of Union in a sentence

There will be little movement toward the “ever closer union” envisioned in the Treaty of Rome.
For all German Chancellors from Konrad Adenauer to Helmut Kohl, France was the favorite European partner, but they refused to accept French offers to create a "Franco-German union" that would destroy the mediating character of German foreign policy.
In the 1990’s, the main attraction of monetary union for Italian and Spanish politicians was that the new currency would bring down interest rates and make foreign money available for cheap financing of government debt.
Until the late 1990’s and the advent of monetary union, most government debt in the European Union was domestically held: in 1998, foreigners held only one-fifth of sovereign debt.
The economists’ commonplace that a monetary union demands a fiscal union is only part of a much deeper truth about debt and obligation: debt is rarely sustainable if there is not some sense of communal or collective responsibility.
No British prime minister could consent to a treaty change to create a fiscal union without having to call a referendum at home, the outcome of which would force the UK to withdraw from the EU.
Moreover, alarmist talk of a “split” overlooks the reality that the EU and the monetary union have long been moving at different speeds.
If a new treaty is negotiated by March 2012 and ratified in the following months, the EU will have taken a remarkable step forward – indeed, only one step away from a real political union, which will have to follow if Europe is to end the crisis for good.
The recent summit in Brussels opened the way to a fiscal union, including both a stability pact and – critically important – a liability pact.
In the short term, the liability union is to be implemented by the European Central Bank, whose independence will once again be held up as sacred in Berlin, providing a European fig leaf for Germany’s domestic-policy priorities.
Just as former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi was brought down not by political opponents, but by jittery investors, it was the markets, not European leaders, that opened the door to European fiscal and political union.
But, instead of addressing these defects, the EU is moving toward a banking union, in which member countries’ credit risks are pooled via a single deposit-insurance system, supervisory mechanism, and bank-resolution mechanism.
Economically, they must choose either joint liability and a transfer union or monetary re-nationalization.
Barely a month after the union of the three Red Armies, the Party decided that the Long March was to continue.
Grand unifying visions are missing, and the pressure for separation, not union, continues to increase.
The eurozone is distinct from the EU of course, but it is the Union’s most ambitious undertaking to date, and it is still struggling to equip itself with the structures needed to bolster a currency union.
A common fiscal policy remains a distant dream, as does a genuine political union.
But Europe’s policymakers claim to be making progress toward a so-called “banking union,” which means collective banking supervision, rather than a merger of banks themselves.
But the method chosen by the Commission to implement a banking union is fatally flawed.
Throughout the crisis, European leaders have tried to respond to the gaps in the monetary union without proposing a new treaty, because they fear that any new treaty proposing more centralization of authority in Brussels would be rejected, either by national parliaments or by voters in a referendum.
In the case of the banking union, they plan to use Article 127(6) of the Lisbon Treaty which allows the European Council to grant authority to the ECB to perform specific tasks concerning “policies relating to the prudential supervision” of certain financial institutions in the Union.
The proposed construction of a banking union reveals this fundamental flaw at the heart of the European project today.
The eurozone needs a banking union: a European deposit-insurance scheme in order to stem capital flight, a European source for financing bank recapitalization, and eurozone-wide supervision and regulation.
It is clear what is needed: a European fiscal authority that is able and willing to reduce the debt burden of the periphery, as well as a banking union.
Practically every French administration in recent memory has tried to rewrite the country’s gargantuan labor code, typically failing in the face of trade union protests.
Even though the country’s second-largest union has called a general strike, indications are that Macron will have the political support he needs.
Whereas Ukraine’s presidential election has been widely hailed as the end of the beginning of Ukraine’s political transition, the European Parliament election has been lamented as the beginning of the end of the idea of an ever-closer union.
There is growing reticence among Europeans about further integration, owing largely to fears that ever-closer union will diminish national identity.
Nor was it clear which models provide the most reasonable account of the functioning of the economy, especially in a case where more or less heterogeneous countries were to form a monetary union.
Ukraine has just elected as its president Viktor Yanukovych, who is unlikely to pursue a NATO integration agenda, and if follows through on his commitment to join a customs union with Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, membership in the EU would be precluded.
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