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Union in sentence

2117 examples of Union in a sentence

In short, EMU will happen; it will survive; and it will disappoint those with ardent hopes that monetary union will create a new European economic miracle.
The competitive pressures on European banks resulting from currency union will almost surely force the issue, by pushing weak banks towards bankruptcy.
The Bundesbank’s monetary rigor will be just one voice among many in the monetary union; other voices will press for monetary expansion and a weakening currency in midst of continuing frustrations with unemployment, and new frustrations with financial sector crisis.
It opposes necessary structural reforms in order to defend its clients’ rent-seeking practices; rejects citizen candidacies in favor of unaccountable party elites; recoils from union modernization, owing to the corporatist practices that it implemented; and refuses to dismantle the monopolies that it established.
Then, in 1963, Turkey entered into an Association Agreement with the European Economic Community; in 1995, it entered into a customs union for manufactured goods with the EU.
Even before the eurozone’s debt problems emerged in 2009-2010, it seemed clear to many British that, in order to be resilient to shocks, a currency union requires greater integration, in particular, some form of fiscal union.
If British voters agree that the EU’s structure is so flawed that they do not want to be part of it, they are implicitly condemning the peculiar union that is the UK, which includes a fiscal union, but a problematic one.
In the US, union failure to represent members’ interests adequately contributed to a major pension default at the Studebaker Corporation in 1963.
The Re-Division of EuropeATHENS – As the eurozone debt crisis has steadily widened the divide between Europe’s stronger northern economies and the weaker, more debt-laden economies in the south (with France a kind of no man’s land economy in between), one question is on everyone’s mind: Can Europe’s monetary union – indeed, the European Union itself – survive?
Currency devaluation – which would boost the competitiveness of domestic industry by lowering export prices – obviously is not an option in a monetary union.
This could drive Germany to withdraw from the eurozone and form a smaller currency union with other northern countries.
The second possibility is that the crisis remains relatively contained, leading Germany to pursue closer economic and fiscal union.
Of course, such a move would carry considerable political costs in Germany, where many taxpayers recoil at the notion of assuming the debts of the fiscally profligate southern countries, without considering how much Germany would benefit from a stable and dynamic monetary union.
Europe’s north-south divide has become a time bomb lying at the foundations of the currency union.
Defusing it will require less austerity, more demand stimulus, greater investment support, deeper reforms, and meaningful progress toward economic and political union.
Investors evidently believe that Europe’s leaders will do just enough to hold their monetary union together.
In Europe proper, a union between Russia and the EU should be founded, based on a common economic space, a common energy space – with cross-ownership of companies that produce, transport, and distribute energy – and a common human space that would be visa-free and include coordinated Russian and EU international policies.
The truth is that Germany aspires to live in a minimalist Europe that lacks any political union, but is tied to intergovernmental disciplinary mechanisms designed by its most prosperous countries.
On the contrary, events have imposed an agenda on Europe that we cannot escape and for which solidarity – true union – will be needed.
With the only effective solutions – full-blown eurozone political union, or abandoning the euro – ruled out, muddling through is all that is left.
Another name for this approach is “transfer union,” which implies relentless economic austerity and declining living standards, because strong countries – first and foremost, Germany – are determined to limit their liability for bailing out deficit countries by making all transfers conditional on tough budget retrenchment.
Public monopolies like Pemex, private monopolies like Telmex and Cemex, labor monopolies like the teachers’ union, media monopolies like Televisa, and the iron political lock the country’s three parties have on every level of electoral representation, are all stronger than before.
A More Perfect Monetary UnionWARSAW – The eurozone is often considered an experiment – a monetary union without political unification.
Those who claim that “political union” is necessary for the eurozone appear to focus on the second feature, despite the fact that fiscal constraints on local governments are clearly a typical and important component of single states.
In this sense, they ignore the fact that the European Union’s Stability and Growth Pact has been in principle an important component of political union, not its substitute.
Instead of looking at the wrong model – that of a single state – the EU and its member states should focus on the conditions required for the proper functioning of a currency union that has no common budget to compensate for asymmetric shocks.
As members of a monetary union, they enjoy a relatively high degree of exchange-rate stability – far too much stability, in fact.
It took several years for trade union restraint to flower into robust competitiveness, but flower it did.
IG Metall, Germany’s largest industrial union, which bargains for 3.4 million metal, electronics, and car workers, looks ready to accept an estimated 3.3% annual wage increase for 2007 and 2008 – a settlement generally considered to be “balanced and justifiable.”
Even if Le Pen fails to win the presidency, the formation of an anti-euro government in Italy after its next election could fracture the currency union.
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