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Tribunal in sentence

169 examples of Tribunal in a sentence

In a major diplomatic blow to Britain, the General Assembly voted to refer the case to an international tribunal.
Udo Di Fabio, a renowned former judge on the court, has argued that the tribunal could even force the German government to unwind the EU treaties if it does not succeed in curbing the OMT program.
In its ruling, which employed even tougher language than most expected, the tribunal cut the legal heart out of China’s claim that the sea is, in effect, a Chinese lake.
And it seems that not even an international tribunal in The Hague is going to stand in its way.
A third illustration concerns Moscow's recent defiance of the United Nations war crimes tribunal by hosting a visit of Yugoslav Defence Minister, Dragoljub Ojdanic.
Mr Ojdanic was indicted a year ago by the Hague-based tribunal, a court established with Moscow's assent, for crimes against humanity in Kosovo.
Should Saddam be tried by Iraqis in Iraq, or should he face an international tribunal?
Under this regime, participants in the conflict who have committed crimes will confess them to a national tribunal with international advisers, and will receive an eight-year “restriction of liberty” sentence, which is closer to being on probation than in prison.
In 2015, however, the federal accounting tribunal (TCU) rejected her accounts and accused Rousseff of committing fiscal irregularities.
At the same time, it should expect the opposition to endorse the establishment of an international tribunal to adjudicate the matter of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri, albeit after clarifying and narrowing the current excessively broad United Nations rules governing the investigation.
Yet the real challenge for Western policy in Lebanon is neither constitutional reform nor establishment of the Hariri tribunal.
Because Syria is not a party to the ICC, the only way to give the tribunal jurisdiction is through the Security Council’s use of its enforcement authority to refer the situation of atrocity crimes in Syria, including crimes against humanity and war crimes, to the Court.
But victims complain that its procedures are slow and abstruse; and many Bosnian Serbs are convinced that the tribunal is selective and politically motivated.
However, in late December 2004, the national election tribunal, sitting in Abuja, the capital, ruled that while the election had been free and fair in most parts of the country, the number of votes was larger than the population in Ogun, the President’s home state.
As if to underscore that the festering territorial dispute in Kashmir is as much about water as it is about land, Pakistan has, for the second time this decade, initiated international arbitral tribunal proceedings against India under the terms of the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty.
One way to intervene with the aim of securing legitimacy and minimizing further bloodshed would be for the Arab League to establish a tribunal modeled on the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Such a tribunal would have Arab judges, prosecutors, investigators, and defense attorneys, and it would conduct its proceedings in Arabic.
Though it would take time for an ad hoc Arab tribunal to be formed and to reach the point at which it could issue indictments, Syrian military commanders would immediately be put on notice that they could face prosecution for their actions against protesters.
Indeed, the Arab League could strengthen the incentive to end the killings by determining that priority would be given to prosecuting those who commit additional crimes after the adoption of a resolution to establish such a tribunal.
It is impossible to predict that establishment of such a tribunal, whether by the Arab League or some other international body, would suffice to halt the bloodshed.
Should the tribunal be national or international?
Despite being putatively “national,” the Iraq tribunal couches the relevant offenses in terms of “crimes against humanity.”
The original selection of judges by what was widely viewed as a wing of the occupation exposes the tribunal to allegations of bias and partiality, as have issues regarding access and transparency for defendants and others.
The commission calls for “referring the situation to justice, possibly to the International Criminal Court or an ad hoc tribunal, bearing in mind that, in the context of the Syrian Arab Republic, only the [UN] Security Council is competent to refer the situation.”
Four years ago, I called on the Arab League to establish a criminal tribunal for Syria.
And yet, if a war crimes tribunal for Syria cannot be created, a more limited form of accountability can be sought.
Knowing who committed particular crimes could fuel demands to create a tribunal to bring perpetrators to justice.
(In this case, justice was later served; in 2012, the Special Court for Sierra Leone convicted Taylor of 11 counts of aiding and abetting war crimes in Sierra Leone, making him the first former head of state to be convicted for such crimes by an international tribunal since Nuremberg.)
Just days earlier, he asked the Supreme Court to appoint a three-judge special tribunal to investigate charges of treason against Pakistan’s former president, General Pervez Musharraf, for imposing emergency military rule and suspending the constitution in November 2007.
By appointing a special tribunal to try Musharraf, the Sharif government is sending a strong signal to the military – particularly its senior commanders – that they are not above the law.
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