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Transnational in sentence

304 examples of Transnational in a sentence

This is a time for Europeans to be bold, courageous, and prepared to do what our forebears failed to accomplish in the 1930s: to press transnational democratic politics into the service of progressive Europeanism.
As a result, dysfunctional or failing states suddenly emerged in the 1990’s, constituting a threat to regional and international security by becoming home to transnational pirates (Somalia) or transnational terrorists (Pakistan and Afghanistan), or by their defiance of global norms (North Korea and Iran).
But they reflect the kind of foresight and experimentation that will be needed to address transnational challenges in a deeply interconnected and fast-changing world.
And, on the bottom board of transnational issues outside the control of governments – including everything from climate change to pandemics to transnational terrorism – power is chaotically distributed, and it makes no sense at all to claim American hegemony.
The top board of military power is unipolar; but on the middle board of economic relations, the world is multipolar., andOon the bottom board of transnational relations– comprising issues (such as like climate change, illegal drugs, Avian flu, and terrorism) – power is chaotically distributed.
China and the US face transnational challenges that are impossible to resolve without the other.
Professional groups adhere to transnational standards.
The world faces a new set of transnational challenges, including climate change, transnational terrorism, cyber insecurity, and pandemics.
But the best military arrangements will do little to solve many of the world’s new transnational problems, which jeopardize the security of millions of people at least as much as traditional military threats do.
Indeed, Saudi Arabia’s effort to prop up the Bahraini regime parallels the Soviet Union’s intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 to bolster a besieged allied regime – an invasion that led to the multibillion-dollar, CIA-scripted arming of Afghan rebels and the consequent rise of transnational Islamic terrorists.
The EU’s attempt to transcend sovereignty and traditional power politics by establishing a transnational rule of law is much more in line with a “post-historical” world than the Americans’ continuing belief in God, national sovereignty, and their military.
For example, transnational migration flows should certainly be made easier and more attractive.
How can America bolster institutions, create networks, and establish policies for managing transnational issues?
All Central Asian countries suffer from pervasive corruption, acute income inequalities, political succession problems, and transnational criminal groups that cooperate more effectively than the region’s frequently feuding governments do.
And their myriad interdependencies increase the risks of transnational threats, such as disease outbreaks, and resource-related confrontations.
Moreover, in the age of the Internet, the transnational digital economy’s contribution to GDP is rapidly increasing.
In part, it is because transnational democracy has not delivered.
Indeed, the damage from a cyber attack is by nature transnational, capable of rapidly cascading to a global level.
Effective foreign policymaking requires an understanding of not only international and transnational systems, but also the intricacies of domestic politics in multiple countries.
The US lacks both the international and domestic prerequisites to resolve conflicts internal to other societies, and to monitor and control transnational transactions that threaten Americans at home.
Hard power will always remain vital, but soft power will become increasingly important in dealing with transnational issues whose resolution requires multilateral cooperation.
After America’s invasion drove Al Qaeda’s leaders from Afghanistan, Pakistan emerged as the main base and sanctuary for transnational terrorists.
Aid and assistance can be used to strengthen the capacities of poor countries involved in these transnational systems.
Today, Al Qaeda and other transnational actors have formed global networks of operatives, challenging conventional approaches to national defense through what has been called “asymmetrical warfare.”
At the same time, transnational terrorists will continue to benefit from modern information technology, such as the Internet.
Second, transnational terrorism poses a multifaceted and fundamental danger.
As a result, the big transnational institutions are lobbying hard for a pan-European approach to banking supervision and regulation (and implicitly for fiscal bailouts should that supervision and regulation fail).
The geopolitical map of the Middle East is being redrawn by the transnational Shia-Sunni split – which is being stoked by rivals such as Iran and Saudi Arabia – and by outside intervention into regional conflicts.
This became particularly important after the Al Qaeda attacks on September 11, 2001, shifted the focus of American foreign policy toward transnational terrorism.
Decision-makers and commentators need to take into account not only the economic but also the social and political consequences of certain policy responses or the transnational costs of not taking swift and decisive decisions.
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