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Transatlantic in sentence

473 examples of Transatlantic in a sentence

Trump’s Shot Heard Round the FootBRUSSELS – The first salvo in the transatlantic trade war has now been fired by the United States, which is imposing stinging tariffs on steel imports from the European Union (as well as from Canada and Mexico).
His aggression has dispelled whatever doubts had existed as to whether the transatlantic bond still mattered.
Faced with a rising China, a declining but risk-inclined Russia, and the prospect of prolonged turmoil in the Middle East, close transatlantic cooperation will be crucial to maintaining a liberal international order over the long term.
Yet today, if we look at transatlantic comparisons, Western Europe appears to be doing much better than one would expect if one were to judge from the past decade's business press.
And as the transatlantic trade imbalance widens further, ever larger capital flows will be needed to keep pushing the euro down.
No one can say for sure, but one thing is certain: Whereas the profits from playing transatlantic interest-rate differentials may run to 1% or 2% per year, investors can easily lose that amount in a single day – or even an hour – by buying the wrong currency when the trend turns.
But Bush neither invented American unilateralism nor triggered the transatlantic rift between the United States and Europe.
In the former case, the transatlantic rift will deepen dramatically.
The new transatlantic formula must be greater say in decision-making in exchange for a greater share of responsibility.
This is noteworthy, given France’s traditional Russophilia, historical fascination with strongmen, and hostility toward the idea of a transatlantic community.
Soon after the US entered World War II, Winston Churchill famously decamped to the White House for 24 days, cementing Britain’s transatlantic alliance by deepening his relationship with Franklin Roosevelt.
If the Basel process stalls, transatlantic deals, which are the crucial underpinning of Western capital markets, will be far harder to reach.
Asian economists who promote regional integration in Asia have observed the debate with amazement, in that the fault line is not based on economic philosophy like “Keynesians vs. Neoclassicals” or “Liberals vs. Conservatives,” but on a geographical, transatlantic divide.
The transatlantic partnership once was a basic tenet of German foreign policy--and yet Germany's Chancellor won re-election on what was seen as an anti-American platform.
The truth is that transatlantic differences have existed for a long time.
So transatlantic coordination is needed, to ensure that any trade of sophisticated arms and weapons-related technologies with China does nothing to enhance China’s military power, and that competition between Western producers of goods that may legitimately be sold to China does not damage Western political unity.
This outcome would become even more likely if Americans elect Trump, who openly admires Russian President Vladimir Putin and would accommodate Russian great-power politics at the expense of European and transatlantic ties.
The US, eager to boost its economy’s longer-term prospects by engaging new trade partners in the world’s fastest-growing region, is shifting resources to Asia – though US (and European) policymakers would be wise to move forward with a transatlantic free-trade agreement as well.
This is where continued engagement by Turkey’s transatlantic partners remains vital.
What is needed, instead, is a serious debate about the conditions that will allow Turkey to fulfill its transatlantic promise.
Indeed, the Group’s final report, released earlier this month, states that the agreement “should be designed to evolve over time,” moving “progressively toward a more integrated transatlantic marketplace.”
Other cases in which barriers to transatlantic trade and investment conceal conflicting objectives and deep-rooted attitudes include France’s protection of its cherished audiovisual sector and America’s desire to continue to block European penetration of its iconic airline industry.
But such an approach cannot be replicated to break the inevitable logjams of transatlantic regulatory negotiations.
Although transatlantic tariffs average only 3-5% (with higher peaks for some sensitive products), tariff elimination would have a significant impact, given that bilateral trade totals $650 billion annually.
And establishing a formal mechanism for transatlantic regulatory consultation will eventually pay off, one sector at a time.
But it remains a crucial step toward a more integrated transatlantic marketplace.
The bitter irony is that, at this suddenly inauspicious moment, Europe and the US are launching their most significant joint project since the creation of NATO – a transatlantic free-trade agreement.
Economic growth during the Putin years, combined with the defeat of Georgia – which was regarded in Russia as the beginning of a great political comeback – provided the confidence needed to embrace efforts to re-model the transatlantic security architecture.
Medvedev’s proposed transatlantic security treaty would enshrine the principle of avoiding external force to resolve national disputes, which would rule out international intervention in the conflicts affecting the northern Caucasus, including Chechnya.
Europe should react to this Russian proposal, first, by acknowledging that Russia has a critical role to play in transatlantic security, and that it should be treated not only with caution, but also with respect.
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