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Transatlantic in sentence

473 examples of Transatlantic in a sentence

Just like the veterans of World War II who commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of the victory over Nazi Gerrmany are a dying out, so the generation, which has been shaped by the early years of the Cold War and whose support for c1ose transatlantic ties was instinctive and unquestioning, is losing political influence in both Europe and America.
Europe's Obama ChallengePARIS – Will the year 2009 and the beginning of Barack Obama’s presidency mark the beginning of a new era in transatlantic relations, or will the old divisions linger, nurtured by the depth and gravity of the economic crisis?
Yet in the realm of transatlantic relations, as is true globally, it is unwise to expect too much from a single man, whatever his exceptional qualities.
Fifth, to these “old” problems one must add a new one: the likely impact on transatlantic relations of the worst financial crisis in decades.
Paradoxically, too, the “greening” of America – an America that discovers late but with passion its responsibility for the planet’s survival – may lead to a competitive transatlantic race for first prize in ecological good behavior.
Even in transatlantic relations, change will be more a matter of style than content.
Yet Schmidt was always a strong advocate of a close transatlantic partnership, which he saw as indispensable for Germany’s security and foreign policy.
At a deeper level, the Brexit vote can be seen as part of a transatlantic peasants’ revolt, making itself felt in France, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Austria, and of course the United States.
Europe AgonistesIn transatlantic relations, nothing is potentially more divisive than the issue of Israel’s security.
The transatlantic alliance will be no less necessary than it was before, nor will European citizens regard their American counterparts with any less sympathy and fellow feeling.
And the new geography of power implied by the shift in the world’s economic center of gravity from the transatlantic region toward the Asia-Pacific region does not conform to the conceptual map of twentieth-century – let alone nineteenth-century – geopolitics.
In the absence of joint US-EU policies to maintain transatlantic cohesion, the West will quickly become a thing of the past.
An EU-US free-trade zone would strengthen transatlantic political bonds and effectively refute the frequent lament that America has lost interest in Europe.
A transatlantic trade pact would align both economies with the fundamental interests of the West.
Its proximity to the Middle East and Africa – where the European Union and its member countries are the most important aid donors, trading partners, and security actors – will ensure the partnership’s continued relevance, as will the common values and deep economic integration that underpin transatlantic relations.
In short, a common approach toward Asia would reinvigorate the transatlantic relationship at just the right time, and would guarantee that, despite having suffered from internal disagreements in the last decade, the EU-US partnership remains the cornerstone of a peaceful and prosperous world order.
According to this view, France’s efforts to encourage both transatlantic integration and autonomous political action are insufficient to change most Europeans’ minds.
Four areas will be of vital importance:1. managing relations with Russia:2. defusing the transatlantic burden-sharing debate3. dealing with the effects of France’s policy toward NATO4. coping with the dilutive effects of expansionRelations between Russia and NATO appear to have benefitted from a convergence of skill and good fortune.
EU “Foreign Minister” Javier Solana has already been there, and returned bullish on future transatlantic cooperation.
Despite this rosy picture, China could be the cause of a major transatlantic row if Europeans make good on their intention to lift the arms export embargo in place since the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989.
Russia could also play the role of a "transatlantic integrator," mediating the various conflicts and differences in the traditional Atlantic community.
And, though the transatlantic alliance was more unified and responsive during the subsequent Kosovo crisis, the US was still firmly in the driver’s seat.
The transatlantic alliance has reached a fork in the road.
After the falling-out over Bush’s Iraq adventure, the two countries – so central to the transatlantic relationship in the past – are once again on speaking terms.
If the negotiations should fail, the transatlantic cleavage could once again become glaringly wide.
The divisions are no less marked in another transatlantic quarrel, this one over whether to lift the European Union’s embargo on arms exports to China, imposed following the Tiananmen Square massacre 15 years ago.
Instead, they will dwell on what is by now uncontroversial: welcoming the recent, if still fragile, progress in Israel-Palestine relations, supporting stability in post-election Iraq and Afghanistan, and extolling the transatlantic link.
If nothing else happens, the chief transatlantic partners will be no better prepared for the next crisis than they were for the last.
As Trump berates Germany for accumulating surpluses without contributing sufficiently to transatlantic defense, the country should be all the more motivated to use its capabilities to strengthen Europe.
Why, one wonders, did it take multiple transatlantic disasters for the EU to realize that it must attend to its own security?
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