Trade
in sentence
11085 examples of Trade in a sentence
Already, the US Federal Reserve, relying on its contacts in the domestic business community, has warned that corporate investment plans could be “scaled back or postponed” because of uncertainty over global
trade
relations.
It is too early to say whether a “Reagan moment” on
trade
will play out and deliver more than a fairer system.
That is why we must move beyond the question of whether this is a
trade
skirmish or a
trade
war to develop real strategies for the “Trump
trade
moment,” should it arrive.
To give this presumption teeth, it should be included in international
trade
and investment agreements.
May’s government is desperate to sustain the prospect, however deluded, that Trump will offer a good
trade
deal to the UK.
The “PIIGS” (Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, and Spain) greatly benefited from the euro, thanks not only to the removal of currency-related
trade
barriers, but also because their interest rates suddenly fell to levels unthinkable in pre-euro times.
Eurozone members facing a loss of competitiveness can no longer afford to skirt difficult but necessary reforms through a monetary “quick fix” that shifts the burden onto their
trade
partners: as always, beggar-thy-neighbor policies reward laxity and penalize virtue.
And his
trade
and industry minister is unlikely to repeat the antics of a recent predecessor, who placed a gun on the table while negotiating import and export quotas with local producers.
But private business can only meet that challenge if governments are prepared to remove the many barriers that exist to growth and free
trade.
Indeed, Immanuel Kant's old imperative - that
trade
is peace-making - should not be forgotten.
While the war in Iraq and abuses at American detention centers have damaged the cause of human rights in the Middle East and Asia, the third factor in the weakening of human rights – unregulated free
trade
– has been felt mostly in Latin America.
In the National Security Strategy of September 2002, the Bush administration calls free
trade
not only a meritorious policy, but also a “moral principle.”
So they used – and even stretched – their balance sheets for investment, while opening themselves up to international trade, thereby helping to restore demand.
There is plenty of incentive for countries to collaborate, rather than using trade, finance, monetary policy, public-sector purchasing, tax policy, or other levers to undermine one another.
Though
trade
and investment agreements are being negotiated, they are increasingly regional in scope.
Meanwhile, the multilateral
trade
system is fragmenting, along with the consensus that created it.
Primo Levi, the Italian chemist who escaped death in the Nazi camps to become a writer, wrote movingly about his life as a chemist and about “the strong and bitter flavor of our trade, which is nothing more than one special case, a more bold version, of the
trade
of life.”
Trump’s Protectionist QuagmireWASHINGTON, DC – After World War II, the United States led the world in reducing protectionist barriers and establishing an open, rules-based
trade
system.
Second, how China manages access to its vast internal market, in terms of
trade
and investment, will have far-reaching consequences for all of China’s external economic partners, not just developing countries.
Alert to a worsening tradeoff between inflation and unemployment, Keynesian policymakers tried to sustain the boom through incomes policy – controlling wage costs by concluding national agreements with
trade
unions.
The key to regaining stable prices was to abandon the full-employment commitment, emasculate the
trade
unions, and deregulate the financial system.
CAMBRIDGE – The decade that preceded the 2008 financial crisis was marked by massive global
trade
imbalances, as the United States ran large bilateral deficits, especially with China.
Since the crisis reached its nadir, these imbalances have been partly reversed, with America’s
trade
deficit, as a share of GDP, declining from its 2006 peak of 5.5% to 3.4% in 2012, and China’s surplus shrinking from 7.7% to 2.8% over the same period.
Furthermore, if relative labor costs are an important driver of America’s terms of
trade
(the relative price of exports in terms of imports), more labor-intensive sectors should have experienced a larger decline.
The disconnect between America’s terms of
trade
and the far more volatile REER is also consistent with low and delayed exchange-rate pass-through.
The US, eager to boost its economy’s longer-term prospects by engaging new
trade
partners in the world’s fastest-growing region, is shifting resources to Asia – though US (and European) policymakers would be wise to move forward with a transatlantic free-trade agreement as well.
A useful example is the cooperation between Brazil’s state-owned energy giant Petrobras and Prominp – a coalition of government agencies, businesses,
trade
associations, and labor unions – aimed at unleashing the full potential of the country’s oil and gas sector.
That shock could be homegrown, coming in the form, say, of renewed inflation or of the continued escalation of the
trade
war that US President Donald Trump has started.
Indeed, India’s non-oil
trade
with West Africa currently stands at more than $3 billion and is rising fast, accounting for 1.2% of the country’s total foreign
trade.
A study by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry identified five main sectors that can act as “engines of growth” to boost Indo-Africa trade: pharmaceuticals and the health sector, information technology, water management, food processing, and education.
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