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Trade in sentence

11085 examples of Trade in a sentence

The US trade deficit is a byproduct of its financial- and monetary-asset exports.
In formulating such policies – whether through legislation, regulatory rule-setting, international agreements, or measures addressing related issues such as tax and trade – the goal should be to limit the downsides of technology without stifling innovation.
With respect to economic interests, all governments look for ways to help their countries’ own industries, whether through regulation, subsidies, or trade barriers.
Government programs must be strengthened, and employers and trade unions must assume greater responsibility for investing in skills.
The protectionist responses are sadly familiar: protests against foreign workers, demands for trade protection, and a financial nationalism that seeks to limit the flow of money across national frontiers.
The most unattractive versions of 1930’s regionalism came from Germany and Japan, and represented nothing less than a practical extension of their power over vulnerable neighbors, which were forced into trade and financial dependence on the basis of Germany’s Grosswirtschaftsraum or its Japanese equivalent, the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.
For some, globalization is a pretty reliable ticket to success; for others, it will have little effect by itself, since the most pressing social and economic crises hitting those countries can’t be solved by free trade or market reforms alone.
Some places in the world are very remote from international trade – think of the Andean highlands, the mountainous regions of Iran, Iraq, and Afghanistan; the landlocked countries of Africa, such as Rwanda, Burundi, Burkina Faso, or the landlocked regions of Central Asia.
But free trade is not enough.
The key will be so-called “second-round effects” – whether growing crude prices lead to higher wage demands from trade unions.
Reorienting production to domestic consumption would be difficult under any circumstances; a downturn in global trade, increasingly volatile commodity prices, and falling aid and investment flows don’t help.
The gains from trade would offset the effects, but this is likely to be a hard sell for politicians to make to their publics.
It would also be a significant step in Africa’s push for greater unity, more self-reliance, and an economy driven more by trade and less by aid.
Europe’s Trade CoupBRUSSELS – All has gone quiet on the transatlantic trade front, with last month’s agreement between US President Donald Trump and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker having dispelled fears of an all-out tariff war.
At the core of the agreement concluded by Juncker and Trump was the understanding that the European Union and the United States will “work together toward zero tariffs, zero non-tariff barriers, and zero subsidies on non-auto industrial goods,” with no new trade barriers in the meantime.
The US president has the power to impose tariffs and other trade barriers unilaterally, in the interest of national security.
That is why Trump has been able to launch his own personal trade war, without so much as consulting the US Congress.
A full-scale trade agreement, however, would need congressional approval.
Given the myriad special interests that such a deal would mobilize, it is highly unlikely that any trade agreement – even one limited to industrial products – will materialize any time soon.
Historically, the US has been able to conclude trade agreements only when a coalition of actors that would benefit from better export opportunities secured more votes than those who were vulnerable to import competition.
When trade is considered an economic issue, it is usually possible to assemble such a coalition, because the benefits of trade liberalization outweigh the costs.
But this has often proved more difficult in the US than elsewhere, because trade plays a relatively small role in the US economy.
When an economy is so dependent on trade, it becomes much easier to make the case for liberalization, which is why Europe has long been more enthusiastic than the US about a transatlantic free-trade agreement.
In fact, it is the trade dynamics with China that explain Trump’s willingness to reach an agreement with Juncker in the first place.
Given that the EU also competes with the US in the Chinese market, European industry might actually gain (marginally) from a Sino-American trade war.
So long as the US and China are battling it out on trade, the transatlantic truce represents a coup for Europe.
While the country’s leaders have continued to pay lip service to free trade, they have so far proved unwilling to take into account the grievances of both the US and Europe.
If China wants allies in its trade war with the US, it will have to revise many domestic regulations and practices that constitute de facto discrimination against foreign competitors.
Whatever benefit China derives from such measures may well be outweighed by an escalating trade war– especially now that the EU is safe and China will have to face the US alone.
This new nationalism takes different economic forms: trade barriers, asset protection, reaction against foreign direct investment, policies favoring domestic workers and firms, anti-immigration measures, state capitalism, and resource nationalism.
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