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Trade in sentence

11085 examples of Trade in a sentence

The arithmetic of global trade implies that the sum of all trade deficits equals the sum of all trade surpluses.
Now, trade deficits are like hot potatoes.
If a developing country's trade deficit is offset by assistance through a grant of the new global money, its overall financial position will be secure.
The trick, and our rational duty, is to embrace policies and to build institutions that are consistent with balanced trade and financial flows.
The United States is now taking drastic steps against China, and is making provisions for a trade war.
The US accepted the lower valuation of the renminbi as long as China returned the dollars that it earned from bilateral merchandise trade by financing America’s budget deficit.
This explains the almost continuous stream of measures that emanate from Beijing these days: increased public spending, monetary easing, pressure on state enterprises to expand activity, subsidies to exporters, partial convertibility of the remninbi to spur trade with neighboring countries, and so on.
But the costs of protectionism in trade and finance are especially large at moments like these.
The Great Depression was aggravated by the trade barriers that countries imposed to protect domestic employment.
It should have focused its efforts on monitoring and implementing the G-20’s commitment not to raise trade barriers.
Intellectual Property and Economic DevelopmentWASHINGTON, DC – In his recent State of the Union address, US President Barack Obama reiterated his ambition to complete the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a proposed trade agreement among the US and 11 Pacific countries.
If these proliferating trade pacts are to spur virtuous cycles of growth for developing countries, they must not only reduce trade barriers; they must also build the institutional framework of a modern economy, including robust intellectual property (IP) rights.
This attitude is particularly prevalent in India, which recently put trade negotiations with the EU on hold, and it was central to the failure of the Doha Round of global trade talks.
It is equally important for trade negotiators worldwide to reject the notion that IP protection is a luxury that only rich countries can afford.
The difference, of course, lies in the US dollar’s dominant role in the invoicing of international trade: prices are set in dollars.
Just as the dollar is often the unit of account in debt contracts, even when neither the borrower nor the lender is a US entity, the dollar’s share in invoicing for international trade is around 4.5 times America’s share of world imports, and three times its share of world exports.
First, international trade contracts are renegotiated infrequently, which means that dollar prices are “sticky” for an extended period – around ten months – despite fluctuations in the exchange rate.
The euro might seem like a strong contender, given the volume of trade among eurozone countries; but, outside Europe, the currency is not used nearly as widely as the dollar.
If we could only find the political will, establishing free trade could be achieved at a very low cost, with benefits of up to $2.4 trillion a year.
Their problems are more basic: not dying from easily preventable diseases; not being malnourished from lack of simple micronutrients; not being prevented from exploiting opportunities in the global economy by lack of free trade.
Only one fact really mattered: powerful export performance, with both countries maintaining large trade surpluses over several years and through different stages of the economic cycle.
The current reintegration plan, like two previous attempts at disarmament, falls short of credibly demobilizing armed groups and regulating the arms trade.
It is no longer competitive in manufacturing, but blames others for its huge trade deficit.
The policies of deregulation, privatization, and trade liberalization (the so-called Washington Consensus) that countries adopted in the 1980's, supposedly marked the victory of professional economists over populist politicians.
Any graduate student in economics knows that deregulation, privatization, and trade liberalization cannot be expected to produce economic benefits without a long list of unlikely conditions being satisfied.
Therefore we know that markets do better than central planning, and that foreign trade is better than autarky.
Governments, they believe, are run by crooks, so tie their hands; bureaucrats are beholden to rent-seeking private agents, so ensure non-discretion and apply uniform taxes and incentives; domestic political systems cannot be trusted, so import laws and institutions from abroad; external influences are always more benign than domestic ones, so ensure maximum openness to international trade and investment; reformers have a limited "honeymoon period," so implement reforms fast.
Similarly, the principle that private incentives should be aligned with social costs and benefits hardly results in unconditional support for policies of trade liberalization, deregulation, and privatization.
Neither does it preclude the use of activist trade and industrial policies in pursuit of economic restructuring.
So the Taliban are obtaining ample funds from the heroin trade – easily Afghanistan’s largest single source of foreign earnings.
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