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Trade in sentence

11085 examples of Trade in a sentence

Darfur is hardly a high priority for China, which accounts for 20% of African trade, and buys 60% of Sudan’s oil.
Factions within the regime might prove supportive of new policies aimed at tempering the climate of violence in Sudan, decreasing its trade dependency on China, improving conditions for refugees, and lowering international tensions.
While the Fund remains wedded to eventual financial liberalization, it now acknowledges that free movement of capital rests on a much weaker intellectual foundation than does the case for free trade.
In a new study that surveys and updates the economics literature, Arvind Subramanian, Olivier Jeanne, and John Williamson conclude that “the international community should not seek to promote totally free trade in assets – even over the long run – because…free capital mobility seems to have little benefit in terms of long-run growth.”
But the new view also highlights an important obstacle: many advanced countries’ trade and investment treaties prohibit the regulation of cross-border finance.
With imports still growing strongly and commodity prices beginning to fall as a result of the world slowdown, Argentina’s large trade surplus is disappearing quickly.
The EU has, as a result, forfeited ultimate control of its own security, trade relations, and migrant flows.
Forcing China to open up to the opium trade formed one of the most disreputable chapters in Britain’s imperial history.
Britain needed to determine how best to establish a constructive relationship with a China intent on weaponizing trade, while standing up for the rights and promised freedoms of Hong Kong’s people.
First, sea-borne trade routes, which account for nearly 85% of the European Union’s total exports and imports, must be kept free and safe.
In such circumstances, unilateral claims of independence opposed by the national government or a sub-national unit often lead to a breakdown of trade and finance – and often to outright war, as we saw in the breakup of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and most recently, Sudan.
Most key issues that are vital for national wellbeing – trade, finance, the rule of law, security, and the physical environment – depend at least as much on the presence of effective regional and global institutions.
With increasing frequency – as, for example, with international trade treaties, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership – private actors are taking the place of governments, legislatures, and heads of state in setting policy.
Given the escalating trade war between the United States and China, countries around the world are rushing to consolidate their trade relations and preserve existing supply chains.
Not so the UK, which is now in the final stages of negotiations to withdraw from the European Union – a move that will upend its relationship with its single largest trade partner.
A first “must” for an exporting superpower is to establish clear and stable trade arrangements with other countries, so that firms can produce goods and services collaboratively across borders.
These projects are justified by the fact that three-quarters of all international trade is made up of inputs that contribute to the production of finished products further down the line.
Thus, the UK’s trade strategy should focus on what it will take to win a greater share of those markets.
In the UK, where the largest service exports are in what trade specialists describe as “professional, scientific, and technical services,” this implies the need to train, attract, and retain the world’s best experts.
The US-China trade war may lead to a slight opening up of China’s services markets, implying new opportunities for service exporters.
Launching the new trade strategy, Secretary of State for International Trade Liam Fox promised that more exports would increase Britain’s economic resilience, and bring higher-skill, higher-wage jobs to the country.
Finally, note that large excess savings and balanced government budgets necessarily mean large trade surpluses – and thus the increasing reliance of Germany, and Europe, on massive net exports to the United States and Asia.
While strict penalties may deter US-connected companies, firms without any link to a country with an enforcement regime can still trade bribes for contracts.
If growth in the trade sector boosts that of domestic non-trade sectors, then a fixed exchange rate will not put pressure on the external balance of payments as demand for imports rises.
Indeed, if foreign-owned enterprises exports are deducted from the total trade volume, the surplus vanishes, because both the overall balance of merchandise trade and the balance of trade in services normally run deficits.
Pressure for revaluation stems, therefore, not from the real needs of China economy, but from large imbalances in the United States, particularly its long-standing trade deficit, which exceeds 5% of GDP.
As long as Asia holds its foreign reserves in dollars China’s desire to maintain a stable value for the reminbi will continue to offer tremendous advantages for trade and economic development.
Nor should we forget Trump’s pledge to bring millions of high-paying manufacturing jobs back to the US by imposing import tariffs and canceling trade agreements.
The fate of the 12-country Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement seems already to have been sealed, with Trump assuring the public that he would shelve that deal – concluded but not ratified by the US Senate – on his first day in office.
A “credit crunch” – particularly in trade finance – was certainly a key reason why the financial crisis generated a real economy recession.
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