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Toolkit in sentence

77 examples of Toolkit in a sentence

Ironically, the best way to insulate central banks from political pressure would be to expand their toolkit to allow for effective negative-interest-rate policy, though this will take time (as I also discuss in my book).
Given the contents of Kim’s political toolkit, this match was never going to be played on a level field.
It is hard to see how European countries can indefinitely avoid recourse to the full debt toolkit, especially to repair the fragile economies of the eurozone’s periphery.
Which is to say, they provide an intellectual toolkit for looking at, say, the Western world of 1840, but not necessarily the Western world of 2016.
It also frequently necessitates the use of instruments outside of the central bankers’ traditional toolkit.
The trouble is that every tray in this toolkit, too, is empty.
Most important, macroprudential regulation has been added to policymakers’ toolkit: simply put, it makes sense to vary banks’ capital requirements according to the financial cycle.
So central banks embraced measures that didn’t even exist in their policy toolkit a decade ago.
And yet India, like so many other countries, maintains its NAM membership, because NAM does provide an additional platform, which India needs and treats as one tool among others in its diplomatic toolkit.
Monetary policy is now drawing on a more comprehensive toolkit, such as the policy rate, the interest-rate corridor, required-reserve ratios, and the reserve-option mechanism.
But such policies have since become part of their toolkit in more normal times.
Accepting that spying is realistically part of the US toolkit, we Europeans expect it to be conducted responsibly.
That leaves only repression and nationalism in the CCP’s post-Tiananmen toolkit.
To succeed, the Bank must broaden its toolkit beyond country-specific loans – the key instrument on which it has relied for seven decades.
Vaguely defined terms are a standard part of the totalitarian toolkit, and they always begin, as Hedges notes, with legislation that subverts the rule of law by enabling the arbitrary exercise of power.
Compared to a decade or two ago, EMDCs (at least theoretically) have an expanded toolkit at their disposal.
As a result, the necessary and logical corollary of the application of OMF is the restoration of quantitative reserve requirements to the policy toolkit.
Such countercyclical capital requirements are likely to be added to the toolkit of macroprudential rules and policies, the use of which has risen as enthusiasm for light-touch financial supervision has faded.
Taxes and other restrictions on capital inflows, the IMF’s economists wrote, can be helpful, and they constitute a “legitimate part” of policymakers’ toolkit.
Yet we economists find ourselves increasingly disturbed by the apparent inadequacy of the neo-Marshallian toolkit that we have built to explain our world.
The central bias of this toolkit is that we should trust the market to solve the problems we set it, and that we should not expect small (or even large) changes to have huge effects.
Wherever one looks, using Marshall’s toolkit, one sees economic equilibrium pulling things back to normal, compensating for and attenuating the effects of shocks and disturbances.
It has been generations since economists Robert Solow and Moses Abramovitz pointed out that Marshall’s toolkit is a poor aid for understanding modern economic growth.
Economists are now awakening to the realization that the most interesting questions they face were always beyond the reach of Marshall’s toolkit.
Among other findings and recommendations, our task force pointed out that in the cases where the IMF found capital-account regulations to be effective, such measures were part of a broader macroeconomic toolkit, and were deployed early on, alongside other measures, not as a “last resort.”
In a manifesto published in April, economics students at the University of Manchester advocated an approach “that begins with economic phenomena and then gives students a toolkit to evaluate how well different perspectives can explain it,” rather than with mathematical models based on unreal assumptions.
An institutional framework implies that CFMs should be part of a country’s permanent policy toolkit, and that regulations are strengthened or weakened depending on the phase of the business cycle.
We can now see the utility of a more flexible toolkit to respond to excessive credit expansion, or asset-price bubbles, where the manipulation of short-term interest rates can be a blunt instrument or, worse, a double-edged sword.
It should be firmly anchored in the ethic of human rights and in a legal toolkit adapted to the logic of “new wars.”
The problem is that the statistical models that comprise economists’ toolkit are best applied in normal times, so economists naturally like to describe the situation as normal.
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