Theory
in sentence
2204 examples of Theory in a sentence
If this is part of the reason that higher debt-to-GDP ratios correspond to lower economic growth, there is less reason to think that countries should avoid a higher ratio, as Keynesian
theory
implies that fiscal austerity would undermine, rather than boost, economic performance.
The “bicycle theory” of trade liberalization – that it will collapse unless it keeps moving forward – is wrong.
The correspondence of savings minus investment with exports minus imports is not an economic theory; it’s an accounting identity.
Both economic
theory
and past experience show that scattered national regulators who face conflicting pressures cannot efficiently manage such crises.
So now the best and brightest view things from the demand side, using the
theory
built by John Maynard Keynes in 1936.
That, at least, is the
theory.
As history and
theory
indicate, this fiscal consolidation should happen through reduced future spending growth, especially on transfer payments.
One
theory
is that, in the thousands of years that dogs have lived with humans, they have become attuned to human ways of thinking.
Perhaps more importantly, the law indirectly consolidates, at least in theory, the concept of a private sphere in Chinese society: a physical and legal area protected from arbitrary state intervention that could potentially serve as a basis for demanding greater political participation.
Friedman was one of the twentieth century’s leading economists, a Nobel Prize winner who made notable contributions to monetary policy and consumption
theory.
In theory, the financial sector serves as a kind of accountant for the treasury and the government, while the PBOC acts as the government’s cashier.
These models, and the institutions using them, rely on a built-in
theory
of the economy, which enables them to “assume” certain relationships.
So let us apply this
theory
to the world to see how well it fits.
In theory, the advantage of this "big bang" enlargement is that it may concentrate minds on the need for a radical re-think of the decision-making processes in a bigger EU.
That, at any rate, is the theory; no one knows how it would work in practice.
This view of trade as a zero-sum game was a feature of the mercantilist
theory
that reigned three centuries ago, before Adam Smith and David Ricardo made the case that trade would normally benefit both partners, by enabling each to take advantage of their comparative advantages.
But the Smith-Ricardo
theory
has a key limitation: it does not distinguish among a country’s citizens, and therefore cannot address the question of income distribution within a country.
The HO-SS theory, which dominated international economic thinking from the 1950s through 1970s, predicted that international trade would benefit the abundant factor of production (in rich countries, the owners of capital) and hurt the scarce factor of production (in rich countries, unskilled labor).
Then came the post-1980 revolutions in trade
theory.
It was precisely at that time, however, that the HO-SS trade theory’s prediction that free trade would hurt lower-skill workers in rich countries apparently began to materialize.
Yet not all of the HO-SS theory’s predictions have come true.
This does not mean that the forces described by the HO-SS
theory
are irrelevant.
In Becoming Dickens, Douglas-Fairhurst, rejecting recent “poststructuralist” literary theory, reexamines Dickens and his England within their historical and political contexts.
So, why not let evidence, rather than theory, guide policy?
This does not mean that our economic knowledge cannot guide us, only that what works in
theory
– or worked in the past or elsewhere – should be prescribed with an appropriate degree of self-doubt.
Such was the theory, at any rate.
Another
theory
is that increasingly multicultural societies have altered their members’ perception.
Finally, a third
theory
suggests that racial bigots in past studies were better at identifying Jewish people simply because they selected “Jewish” for more faces.
In theory, civil disobedience should be an effective weapon against populists.
In theory, there is some merit to reducing the rate, which, at 35%, is one of the world’s highest (and probably spurs companies to keep profits overseas).
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