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Surplus in sentence

1438 examples of Surplus in a sentence

To avoid this outcome, Germany needs to adopt policies – fiscal stimulus, higher spending on infrastructure and public investment, and more rapid wage growth – that would boost domestic spending and reduce the country’s external surplus.
And the lower prices, better products, and consumer surplus provided by the commercialization of many innovations clearly provide large societal gains.
Barcelona, Catalonia’s exquisite capital, is a rich city running a budget surplus.
All of this could be achieved while keeping the city’s books in the black, simply by reducing the municipal budget surplus.
Spain’s central government, citing the state’s obligations to the EU’s austerity directives, had enacted legislation effectively banning any municipality from reducing its surplus.
To this day, the budget surplus prevails, the services and local tax cuts promised have not been delivered, and the social housing for refugees remains empty.
Faced with a balance-of-payments surplus – largely thanks to high oil prices – the RCB’s 2005 Monetary Program fudges: reducing inflation is a priority, but so is exchange-rate targeting in order to support growth.
Assuming that Greece could borrow at a real interest rate of only 3% (the current level is 17%), the government would need to run an annual 2.6%-of-GDP primary budget surplus (the fiscal balance minus debt-service costs) for the next 30 years just to keep the debt burden stable.
To reduce the debt-to-GDP ratio to 70%, Greece would have to maintain an average primary surplus of 4% for the next 30 years, a level that it has temporarily achieved in only four of the last 25 years.
Its policymakers deny the eurozone’s crisis-ridden countries a more active fiscal policy; refuse to support a European investment agenda to generate demand and growth; have declared a fiscal surplus, rather than faster potential growth, as their primary domestic goal; and have begun turning against the European Central Bank (ECB) in the struggle against deflation and a credit crunch.
Equally problematic is Germany’s focus on maintaining a fiscal surplus.
For eight years, it never stopped forecasting that the budget would return to surplus by 2011, even though virtually every independent forecast showed that deficits would continue into the new decade unabated.
The Greek government, for example, projected in 2000 that its fiscal deficit would shrink below 2% of GDP one year in the future and below 1% of GDP two years into the future, and that the fiscal balance would swing to surplus three years into the future.
Then, perhaps, with women chaste for half or more of their childbearing years, the surplus population would diminish and conditions for the poor would be as good as they could be.
The capital account is less open, foreign-currency reserves of $2.5 trillion mean that the exchange rate is controllable, and, with savings exceeding investment (the current-account surplus is declining but still positive), China is not dependent on foreign capital.
Those, of course, were code words for surplus saving, excessive investment, open-ended resource demand, environmental degradation, and mounting income inequalities.
Worse still, the time wasted on political grandstanding destroyed the primary budget surplus, which was Tsipras’s trump card in the early negotiations.
The Politics of Germany’s External SurplusMUNICH – The debate about global macroeconomic imbalances is increasingly focusing on Germany’s current-account surplus and economic policy.
Despite the vitality of the German economic engine, and the role it plays in fueling growth and maintaining stability in the eurozone, criticism of the country’s massive external surplus is mounting.
From 2001 to 2005, for example, Germany’s average current-account surplus was 2.4% of GDP, and average domestic investment was just under 20% of GDP.
During the five-year period that ended in 2016, the surplus climbed to 7.3% of GDP, but investment remained constant at 20%.
The surplus has surged for one reason: prudence.
Whereas the public-sector deficit was 3% of GDP in the early 2000s, Germany runs a small surplus today, which is a perfectly reasonable reaction, as is the increase in private retirement savings.
But more imports and a lower surplus would also drive up interest rates, which is bad for highly indebted countries.
Third, the European Union’s Macroeconomic Imbalances Procedure, established to prevent destabilizing economic policies by individual member states, requires countries with a current-account surplus above 6% of GDP to make adjustments.
So a reduction in its external surplus, even by as much as 2.5 percentage points from the current level of 8.5% of GDP, would have a minimal impact on the global economy.
There are still a few million surplus workers in Central Asia.
After China’s trade surplus peaked at 9% of GDP in 2007, it adjusted to the receding price competitiveness: it has been less than half that level each year since 2010.
True, Germany’s trade surplus is 8% of GDP, and its current-account surplus is close to 9% of GDP, which is excessive.
China has not liberalized its capital account, but short-term inflows are now driving stronger upward pressure on the renminbi (and larger offsetting reserve accumulation by the People’s Bank of China) than can be explained by the current-account surplus and FDI flows.
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