Supranational
in sentence
126 examples of Supranational in a sentence
Like the EU, Austria-Hungary was an experiment in
supranational
engineering, comprising 51 million inhabitants, 11 nationalities, and 14 languages.
Voters in the UK objected to several of the key premises of regional integration: free labor mobility and seemingly open-ended immigration, regulation by
supranational
authorities in Brussels, and currency union (which has serious flaws, such as the lack of a fiscal transfer mechanism among member states).
This obsession with tactics has affected governance at all levels, from local administrations to
supranational
institutions, allowing major actors to operate within uncoordinated realities, without any shared goals guiding their decision-making.
Severe economic distress and political pressure are buffeting relationships among citizens, sovereign states, and
supranational
institutions such as the European Central Bank.
International financial institutions such as the EBRD and
supranational
bodies such as the European Union and the G-20 will play a key role in tackling such challenges in coming years.
Europe's autonomous nation states have already passed important elements of their sovereignty to
supranational
decision-making through the Treaty of Europe.
Only when a transfer of competencies to the
supranational
level leads to efficiency gains that exceed the welfare losses due to centralization should national and regional responsibility be replaced by the
supranational.
At the
supranational
level, the new European Commission is pursuing its goal of “better regulation” using as little formal lawmaking as possible, focusing instead on recommendations, codes of conduct, and guidelines.
In trade zones formed by heterogeneous states, vested interests tend to be diverse and find it hard to lobby at the
supranational
level.
This has led to calls for new alternatives, such as “responsible nationalism” or “inter-governmental” – as opposed to
supranational
– decision-making in the European Union.
Those seeking closer economic integration have a special responsibility to be strong advocates of global governance reforms: If authority over domestic policies is ceded to
supranational
bodies, then the drafting, implementation, and enforcement of the rules and regulations has to be particularly sensitive to democratic concerns.
In the future, national and
supranational
issues will, one hopes, matter less for innovation.
The political recalibrations occurring in the world’s major economies highlight the limits on the level and pace of immigration a society can absorb without excessive disruption; on citizens’ willingness to abide centralized, let alone supranational, rule; and on public tolerance of economic weakness.
On the other hand, an underlying European governance problem – at both the national level and that of
supranational
European Union institutions – has been intensifying since the early 1990’s.
Membership in the EU sometimes requires ceding control to a complex web of often-inefficient Brussels-based
supranational
institutions.
Underpinning the proposed reforms is the so-called “principle of unity of liability and control,” which demands that both the power to make decisions and liability for their consequences are kept at the same political level, be it national or
supranational.
Which
supranational
agency will be in charge of issuing eurobonds?
Even today, tensions over further centralization (e.g., to
supranational
authority, as in Europe) and devolution (e.g., for Scotland, Québec, or Kurdistan) are intense.
Achieving these goals does not depend on (further) technical discussions, but on forging a new political consensus in favor of a more
supranational
approach.
But, in today’s world of sovereign states, treaties creating new international institutions with
supranational
powers are not realistic alternatives.
Perhaps it will help that, under the fiscal compact, the rules are to be adopted at the national level, as opposed to the SGP, which operated on the
supranational
level.
Since the radical anti-establishment Syriza’s election in Greece almost two years ago, voters seem to have taken to the idea of national governments standing up to
supranational
and multilateral organizations such the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund.
But Europe’s
supranational
institutions – the European Commission, the European Parliament, the ECB, and regulatory authorities – are in their infancy.
It was about creating and transferring stability through the strengthening of international governance and
supranational
structures.
And at what level of government – federal, regional, municipal, or
supranational
– are the latter responsibilities best exercised?
I see several reasons underlying the ECB’s success in implementing a
supranational
monetary policy – and thus in firmly establishing the euro’s stability.
Both projects sought to construct a genuinely
supranational
Europe.
Their idea is that the eurozone could not afford a neo-fascist government in a member country, and that preventing such an outcome requires both carrots (transfer mechanisms) and sticks
(supranational
powers).
Indeed, whatever the role of bilateral cooperation, the only
supranational
organization capable of sustained combat operations is NATO.
National courts may consider the effects of European integration on their constitutional and democratic institutions, affirming or rejecting the integration that has already taken place, or setting limits to
supranational
arrangements that might further impinge on national sovereignty.
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