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Structural in sentence

2531 examples of Structural in a sentence

The policy mix remains too pro-cyclical, causing the deflationary impact of fiscal consolidation to drown out the benefits of structural reform.
In fact, I would venture to predict that the northern powerhouse project, which has already attracted the attention of local and foreign investors, will be one of the UK’s most important structural economic policies for many years to come.
The growth of potential GDP will reflect the structural rise of the labor force, the increase in the capital stock, and the improvement in multifactor productivity (i.e., the change in the output that results from improvements in technology rather than from increases in labor and capital.)
This, in turn, implies the need to balance coherent macroeconomic policies with structural transformation goals.
This time, the damage caused by the Great Recession is subjecting most advanced economies to secular stagnation and creating major structural growth challenges for emerging markets.
Over the longer term, it means awareness of structural risks like high sovereign debt, demographic shifts, and natural-resource scarcity.
In fact, it still struggles with imbalances today, owing to its inability or unwillingness to embrace badly needed structural reforms – the so-called “third arrow” of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s economic recovery strategy, known as “Abenomics.”
Despite the abject failure of Japan’s approach, the rest of the world remains committed to using monetary policy to cure structural ailments.
Bubbles and structural imbalances were not seen as the problem.
In the meantime, politicians are lulled into a false sense of complacency that undermines their incentive to confront the structural challenges they face.
As Chinese Premier Li Keqiang stressed in a recent interview, the answer is a commitment to structural reform – a strategic focus of China’s that, he noted, is not shared by others.
Relying on financial engineering, while avoiding the heavy lifting of structural change, is not a recipe for healthy recovery.
In Britain, we have an economic plan that delivers economic stability, deals decisively with our record budget deficit, opens the country to trade and investment, and addresses the structural weaknesses that are holding us back as a place to do business and create jobs.
As a result, we have achieved a larger reduction in the structural deficit than any other major advanced economy.
The Office for Budget Responsibility, the body that provides an independent assessment of UK public finances, has shown that while the deficit has been coming down more quickly, stronger economic growth alone cannot be relied upon to address the deficit’s structural component.
We have also had to address the structural weaknesses that have been holding the UK back.
That would remove an alibi that governments too often hide behind to avoid introducing the structural reforms that really matter for long-term growth.
Postponing the exit after the June election with a new government committed to a variant of the same failed policies (recessionary austerity and structural reforms) will not restore growth and competitiveness.
A rapid reduction in unit labor costs, through structural reforms that increased productivity growth in excess of wages, is just as unlikely.
The IMF finds that emerging markets’ net capital inflows have been above their long-term structural trend and more sensitive to interest-rate differentials since 2008.
It is not entirely clear why structural change has, perversely, reduced growth.
But if policymakers are to avoid missing the mark, after that process is completed, they must turn their attention to the structural factors that are depressing Mexico’s growth.
These reforms work, typically in conjunction with others, when they promote productivity-enhancing structural transformation.
Rather, they require targeted, country-specific reforms that remove actual obstacles to the expansion of modern sectors, and social policies that are compatible with structural transformation.
And, upon reaching middle-income levels, countries confronted the policy and structural pitfalls that accompany the transition to high-income status.
As these economies add items – protecting themselves from volatility, countering unfavorable external conditions, and adapting to powerful technological trends – to their core structural growth agendas, they will invariably make mistakes, and even stumble.
That failure partly reflects the short-termism that tends to dominate in Western democracies, where short electoral cycles (from about six months to four years) often compel politicians to focus on cyclical issues, rather than on structural impediments to long-term productivity gains and income growth.
This is vital to enable an effective response to the structural problems – such as corruption, environmental pollution, and inequality – that more than two generations of rapid growth and development have brought.
It thus has a responsibility to develop a system of governance that can deliver structural changes to its economy and society, while ensuring effective accountability.
In this context, the kind of “meritocratic professionalism” that China is pursuing is important; but it is no substitute for genuine competition in the public or private sector – at least not if innovation and structural change are the goals.
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