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Structural in sentence

2531 examples of Structural in a sentence

The eurozone still faces rebalancing and structural challenges, but it has managed to create a window of stability in sovereign-debt markets.
This demands deeper comprehension of technology-driven structural changes, with Big Tech recognizing and adjusting to its growing systemic importance in step with government.
If China makes a bid for regional hegemony, it will find it difficult to resist the structural constraints placed on it within this hierarchy.
To see the link, recall the “fiscal compact” to eliminate structural budget deficits that Germany insisted upon as a condition of agreeing to bailout loans for distressed governments and banks.
The policies needed to do so vary by country and involve structural shifts.
That structural shift, in combination with the renminbi’s strengthening effective real exchange rate relative to the dollar, owing to inflation and rapidly rising wages in export sectors, offers hope that China’s surplus will fall.
But the surplus merely masks the structural problems of China’s domestic economic sectors and poorer regions.
The strategy was supposed to use a mix of monetary and fiscal expansion to help facilitate structural reforms.
What advanced-country central banks should be doing now is implementing monetary policies aimed at restoring their credibility, while governments focus on implementing effective fiscal policies and structural reforms.
Last month, finance ministers and central-bank governors of the G-20 countries acknowledged the limitations of monetary stimulus and embraced structural reforms, infrastructure investment, and fiscal policy as the key to future growth.
Both sides will have to make an effort: Creditors must accept some risk, and debtors must enhance their creditworthiness through structural fiscal adjustment and reforms that improve their growth prospects.
The structural primary budget balance, the International Monetary Fund’s preferred measure of “fiscal thrust,” tightened by an additional 1-1.5% of GDP each year from 2010 to 2012, after which it remained broadly stable.
Another factor behind the upturn is the meaningful progress that a number of European countries, such as Spain, have made on structural reform.
Similarly, the more that recovery and sustained growth strengthen banks’ balance sheets, the less urgency policymakers feel to address structural shortcomings, such as the implicit guarantees enjoyed by state banks and municipal savings banks in Germany, and the problems of family-controlled banks like Banco Espirito Santo in Portugal.
The rapid deterioration of fiscal position after the crisis made any substantial countercyclical response impossible, while regulatory constraints limited the economy’s structural flexibility.
Like many other southern European countries, however, labor-market and other rigidities dramatically reduced the speed and increased the costs of structural economic adjustment, resulting in lower levels of growth and employment, especially for young people and first-time job-seekers.
Recognizing that the economy could not benefit from a partial restoration of competitiveness without structural shifts, the government passed a significant labor-market reform in the spring of 2013.
Indeed, though domestic investment is constrained by credit availability, major European and Latin American multinationals have begun investing in the Spanish economy, attracted partly by its enhanced competitive posture and structural flexibility, and, on a slightly longer time horizon, by a recovery in domestic demand.
As Spain’s experience has shown, though structural flexibility is difficult to achieve politically, it is essential for strong economic performance.
Another is that technological and global market forces are imposing structural change on all advanced economies, even those that are not unbalanced.
But addressing them requires a prudent strategy that accounts for the structural fragility of the scientific enterprise, in which scientists must complete extensive training, regulation can easily stifle creativity, and funding limitations can substantially delay progress.
At the same time, the reforms must be comprehensive, addressing methodological, cultural, and structural issues.
And structural reforms aimed at balancing the scientific workforce and stabilizing funding are crucial.
The economist Jeffrey Sachs, for example, has argued that the US economy needs to confront a plethora of structural impediments to sustained growth, including offshoring, skill mismatches, and decaying infrastructure.
Of course, structural reform is essential after a financial crisis, as are policies to maintain aggregate demand while the economy heals.
Now, what Max Weber called the slow grinding of hard boards – leveraging a concrete program of structural reform onto a charismatic personality – begins.
But to avoid deep cuts to current consumption, any credible growth strategy will have to put structural reforms before even macroeconomic stabilization, lest failure to deliver growth leads to a financial crisis and even deeper consumption cuts in the future.
By the end of the 1990s, they had restored macroeconomic balance, but implemented merely superficial structural reforms.
When adjustments are needed, they generally take the form of fiscal cuts, rather than structural reforms.
Second, in the debate about fiscal consolidation and structural reform, Western economies have not yet achieved the right balance of deficit reduction, incentives for innovation, and macroeconomic stimulus, but there are signs of change coming from Brussels.
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