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Structural in sentence

2531 examples of Structural in a sentence

Any structural adjustment is painful.
Increases in civil service salaries are not a sufficient policy response; structural reforms also are needed.
Actual expenditures would remain under the IMF’s control and subject to the implementation of far-reaching structural reforms.
Several economists, including Lawrence Summers and Paul Krugman, have warned that structural reform to increase productivity might be counterproductive when central banks are paralyzed, precisely because it lowers prices.
And on still other occasions, it will mean pushing for structural changes, such as a return to the Fairness Doctrine by broadcasters in the US.
Policymakers would be tempted to resort to helicopter money whenever growth was not as strong as they would like, instead of implementing difficult structural reforms that address the underlying causes of weak economic performance.
He must tackle the structural decay fostered under Zuma.
But China is still running twin surpluses, and there is a lingering question about whether the fall is structural or cyclical.
But demographic and other structural changes may have altered labor-market conditions: so far, despite below-8% growth, there seem to be few signs of distress.
China must choose between higher growth and faster structural adjustment.
This is particularly regrettable, given that there is a broad consensus regarding the technical components of the required policy response: structural reforms to revamp growth engines, efforts to rebalance aggregate demand, and the elimination of debt overhangs.
These structural reforms are much more important than fiscal targets, both in symbolic terms for the rest of Europe and for the Greek economy.
Structural budget deficits were facilitated over the past decade by eurozone interest rates’ surprising lack of responsiveness to national differences in fiscal policy and debt levels.
Specifically, they agreed to cap annual “structural” budget deficits at 0.5% of GDP, with penalties imposed on countries whose total fiscal deficits exceeded 3% of GDP – a limit that would include both structural and cyclical deficits, thus effectively limiting cyclical deficits to 3% of GDP.
It would be much smarter to focus on the difference between cyclical and structural deficits, and to allow deficits that result from automatic stabilizers.
The ECB should be the arbiter of that distinction, publishing estimates of cyclical and structural deficits.
But these are not structural deficits, and financial markets would be better informed and reassured if the ECB indicated the size of the real structural deficits and showed that they are now declining.
With the Chinese economy still growing at close to 10% per year, the government can afford to take more short-term policy risk in order to clear the way for its structural agenda.
Structural changes in our armed forces must be completed.
Meanwhile, the leaders of the eurozone’s northern member countries continue to push for more serious implementation of structural reform.
But just as the pre-crisis credit boom masked underlying structural problems, post-crisis credit constraints have greatly amplified the downturn.
Indeed, the ECB will soon have to confront the fact that structural reforms and fiscal austerity fall far short of being a complete solution to Europe’s debt problems.
Moreover, given aging populations and low productivity growth, potential output is likely to be eroded in the absence of more aggressive structural reforms to boost competitiveness, leaving the private sector no reason to finance chronic current-account deficits.
To be sure, although 2004 was one of the region’s better years in terms of economic growth, the outcome of two decades of so-called structural reform remains disappointing.
A more important explanation for Germany’s current economic success may be the substantial government support that German industries receive on a structural basis, especially the car industry.
As a result, fiscal consolidation and structural reform seem well under way in all of the “sinning” countries.
When a country with higher inflation and structural rigidities joins a monetary union, it initially finds itself awash with liquidity: exchange-rate risk disappears, real interest rates turn negative, and borrowing becomes an irresistible bargain.
After all, the crisis had originated in the advanced economies, which are accustomed to managing business cycles, rather than in the emerging-market countries, where structural and secular forces dominate.
Few were ready to admit that the advanced economies had bet the farm on the wrong growth model, much less that they should look to the emerging economies for insight into structural impediments to growth, including debt overhangs and excessive inequalities.
Such a policy response would have to include pro-growth structural reforms (such as higher infrastructure investment, a tax overhaul, and labor retooling), more responsive fiscal policy, relief for pockets of excessive indebtedness, and improved global coordination.
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