Strikes
in sentence
665 examples of Strikes in a sentence
Pakistani reactions were a curious mixture, ranging from dismissive declarations (backed by orchestrated bus tours of journalists to selected parts of the LoC) that no surgical
strikes
had even occurred, to angry statements declaring that irresponsible Indian firing across the LoC had killed two Pakistani soldiers.
In the days following the strikes, fears of further military escalation have subsided.
But the
strikes
were the first to be announced publicly, providing a clear signal of intent and a bold statement that business as usual – Pakistani pinpricks followed by Indian inaction – is no longer to be expected.
With its calibrated and targeted strikes, India has made clear that inaction is not the only possible response to terrorist provocations.
Similarly, just-in-time supply chains – which cut costs by reducing the amount of goods and materials held in stock – have proved vulnerable to natural disasters (like floods) or other disruptions (like worker strikes).
But only the humanitarian mission has any realistic chance of being delivered through the four-part strategy now on the table: air
strikes
against Islamic State forces; training, intelligence, and equipment for Iraqi and Kurdish military forces and Syria’s non-extremist opposition; intensified international counterterrorism efforts; and humanitarian assistance to displaced civilians.
NEW YORK – Recent revelations that the US killed an innocent American in a drone strike in Pakistan confirm what a new study, “Death by Drone,” of civilian harm caused by US drone
strikes
in Yemen shows – that claims about the precision of drone
strikes
are overstated.
The revelations also underscore the stark asymmetry between how the US treats drone
strikes
that kill its own citizens and those that kill others.
While the Obama administration has now publicly acknowledged that it has recently killed three US citizens in drone strikes, it has refused to acknowledge countless other drone
strikes
around the world which have killed non-US civilians.
In Yemen, the US has been conducting drone
strikes
since at least 2002, with estimates of the total number of
strikes
ranging from 91 to 203.
While the American and Yemeni governments have lauded the drones’ precise targeting, they have refused to meaningfully disclose key details about the strikes, including how many have been conducted, who has been targeted, or, crucially, the number and identities of civilians killed.
Obama also claimed that the US targets only “terrorists who pose a continuing and imminent threat to the American people,” and that it does not launch drone
strikes
when it has “the ability to capture individual terrorists.”
“Death by Drone,” which includes first-hand testimony from eyewitnesses and survivors of drone
strikes
in Yemen, tells a different story.
The nine case studies documented in the report, four of which cover attacks that came after the 2013 speech, provide credible evidence that US drone
strikes
have killed and injured Yemeni civilians, suggesting that the “near-certainty” standard is not being effectively implemented.
The report also casts doubt on Obama’s other claims, with evidence indicating that targets of drone strikes, though perhaps posing a threat to Yemen, may not have posed a direct threat to the US, and that their capture may have been possible.
In other words, Yemeni civilians have suffered and died from drone
strikes
that may not have been necessary.
More generally, the report provides a window into the experiences of Yemeni civilians directly affected by US drone
strikes.
The testimonies of these individuals, vital for assessing the US drone program, are all too easy to overlook because these individuals are poor and have no political influence, and because the
strikes
are conducted in secret, far away from the US.
Indeed, if the US never acknowledges the specific strikes, how can ordinary Americans possibly know that Rasilah al-Faqih, a pregnant Yemeni woman, was killed in Walad Rabei’, along with her husband and ten-year-old daughter, as they headed home from a visit to the doctor?
The US’ refusal to acknowledge drone
strikes
that kill foreigners is sending a damaging message in Yemen and beyond.
In every incident recorded in this report, the families of Yemeni civilians killed in US
strikes
want to know why they were targeted.
Later that month, he recognized that the US government “should make public the overall numbers of civilian deaths resulting from US
strikes
targeting Al Qaeda.”
It should come as no surprise, then, that civilians like Nasser, who have lost mothers, fathers, sons, and daughters in US strikes, are outraged not only at the US, but also at the Yemeni government, which consented to the attacks.
They believe that instead of making Yemen and the US safer, drone
strikes
only strengthen support for Al Qaeda.
The Obama administration’s recent admissions that its drone
strikes
killed its own citizens only underscore this fact.
Two waves of
strikes
in 1988 forced General Jaruzelski’s government to negotiate with Solidarity, which, after a few months of hedging, was legalized.
But it was civic activity - resistance movements, strikes, and other manifestations of social support – that buttressed Solidarity.
This is why Malaysia's Premier, Dr Mahathir Mohammed,
strikes
a cord beyond his country when he rails against American hegemony.
Once it was decided last year, with Chirac's complete agreement, to launch air
strikes
against military targets near the Bosnian Serb capital of Pale, there was no alternative to NATO's involvement in Bosnia and therefore to French cooperation with NATO's political and military organs.
Given the massive deleveraging of public- and private-sector debt that lies ahead, and my continuing cynicism about the US political and legal system’s capacity to facilitate workouts, two or three years of slightly elevated inflation
strikes
me as the best of many very bad options, and far preferable to deflation.
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