States
in sentence
7075 examples of States in a sentence
So long as nuclear weapons remain,
states
can justify maintaining a minimum nuclear-deterrent capability.
But that can be done without weapons on high alert, and with drastically reduced arsenals in the case of the US and Russia, and, at worst, at current levels for the other nuclear-armed
states.
The political leadership of the Baltic
states
toughed it out, accepting savage austerity to continue on their path toward euro membership.
In sovereign
states
and territories, this is highly unlikely to come about on its own.
Europe’s Anti-Ideological ElectionPARIS – In each of the 27
states
of the European Union, the campaign for the just concluded elections for the European Parliament occurred in an atmosphere of indifference, with voters, candidates, and the media focusing mostly on domestic issues.
Then the Arab League met to follow the Gulf states’ lead.
This is an unusual move, considering the Gulf states’ tradition of treating political disagreements as a family matter, to be handled behind the scenes.
The Kingdom perceives the Brotherhood’s influence in Arab countries, particularly the Gulf states, as a serious threat to its internal stability and survival.
Other GCC states, eager to avoid escalating political tensions in their own countries, are unlikely to declare it a terrorist organization.
Making matters worse, it is clear that disagreements within the GCC can no longer be resolved behind closed doors, and that member
states
are unable to air them publicly without risking a diplomatic rupture.
A step was made in this direction in June 2000, when the Community of Democracy, bringing together more than half of the member
states
of the United Nations, was created in Warsaw.
At the same time, they should work to place the efficiency of all public spending on par with that in India’s best-performing
states.
As my colleagues and I put it in our book-length report Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015, launched in Geneva, Vienna, and Washington in March: “On the evidence of the size of their weapons arsenals, fissile material stocks, force modernization plans, stated doctrine and known deployment practices, all nine nuclear-armed
states
foresee indefinite retention of nuclear weapons and a continuing role for them in their security policies.”
The NPT has been the single most crucial factor in limiting the world’s nuclear-armed
states
to the current nine, rather than the 20-30 widely feared a generation ago.
The NPT, after all, is based on a bargain:
states
that do not possess nuclear weapons promise not to acquire them, in exchange for a pledge by those that do to move seriously toward eliminating their arsenals.
And recent developments have once again jeopardized that bargain, with many
states
again asking why, if the US, Russia, and others need nuclear weapons, they do not.
Since 2012, major conferences have been hosted by Norway, Mexico, and Austria, and more than 155
states
have pledged support for appropriate action, with only the nuclear-armed
states
and their allies and partners dragging their feet.
The nuclear-armed
states
will not sign on any time soon to any treaty that bans the use of their weapons under all circumstances.
But if the NPT review conference is not to end in tears, with all the accompanying risks for world order that failure would entail, the five nuclear-armed
states
that are NPT signatories can and must be prepared to bring more to the table than they have so far.
The nuclear-armed
states
can and should make serious commitments to dramatic further reductions in the size of their arsenals; hold the number of weapons physically deployed and ready for immediate launch to an absolute minimum; and change their strategic doctrines to limit the role and salience of nuclear weapons, ideally by committing to “no first use.”
After independence from Britain in 1783, America’s
states
refused to repay their Revolutionary War debts.
Some
states
lacked the resources to pay.
Indebted farmers physically disabled the repayment machinery in many states, most famously in Shay’s Rebellion in Massachusetts.
The Constitution would create a new national government that could coin stable money, borrow, and repay debts, including the states’ defaulted Revolutionary War borrowings.
And Hamilton needed Congress to approve the federal government’s assumption of the states’ debts, which at first seemed unlikely.
Some states, like Virginia, had already paid much of their debt, and others saw their debt as having become a financial game for New York speculators.
As a result, many
states
feared federal assumption would mean that their taxes would go to pay northern speculators or to retire the debt of big borrowers, like Massachusetts.
Virginia and several other southern
states
that owed little or had repaid what they owed voted against Hamilton’s first assumption bill and defeated it.
They, in turn, would secure the votes for the federal government to assume and repay the states’ defaulted debts.
Ominously, the conflict looks increasingly like a proxy war between Iran and the Sunni Arab states, which regard their own minority Shia populations as a potential Iranian fifth column.
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