State
in sentence
10941 examples of State in a sentence
The vast majority of the country’s citizens had lived their lives within a 30-mile radius of where they were born; their political attachments, if they had any, were to their
state
– not to the union.
Doesn’t this surely mean that Asia is rushing toward a
state
of multi-polarity – a configuration of roughly equal great powers balancing against each other – while American influence is on the wane?
But their unifying thread is youth, unemployment, and uncertainty about the future, as well as the suffocating
state
paternalism that underlies the wider malaise itself.
On paper, wealth redistribution through high taxes and
state
transfers, reflecting Republican ideals of equality and social cohesion ( fraternité ), has brought good results.
For France as a whole, the long-term cost of withholding tough medicine will ultimately be much higher than the short-term pain of reforming the country’s fiscally unsustainable and spiritually impoverishing welfare
state.
His proposals are too numerous and vague to judge, and they do not account for the
state
of debate at the national level, where skepticism is on the rise.
The signal being sent is clear: it is preferable that Israel, the only
state
in the region that abides by the rule of law, be surrounded by authoritarian regimes where political outcomes are predictable than by democratic states where Islamists may well rise to power.
The EU should decisively back the end of the embargo on Palestine and the urgent creation of a Palestinian
state.
As China enrolls countries as members of its Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and doles out billions of dollars of aid during
state
visits abroad, some observers worry that, when it comes to soft power, China could actually be taking the lead over countries like the United States.
Simply put, a weak
state
cannot enforce contracts and property rights, while a
state
that is strong enough to enforce them must control its own bureaucrats.
In Britain, News Corporation has been creating a sort of
state
unto itself by corrupting the police, assuming police powers of surveillance, and intimidating politicians into looking the other way.
But, whatever else is revealed, the UK phone-hacking scandal is of a piece with the Murdochs’ transformation of news into propaganda: both reflect an assault on democracy’s essential walls of separation between media, the state, and political parties.
The bottom line is that the complexity and distinctiveness of China’s economy mean that assessing its current
state
and performance requires a detail-oriented analysis that accounts for as many offsetting factors as possible.
Set in a small town on the Barents Sea, Leviathan shows that there is no escape, not even in the Arctic, from the Moscow-centric
state
and its hypocritical doppelganger, the Orthodox Church.
The story, akin to Alexander Solzhenitsyn's ambitious 1962 masterpiece One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, steadily indicts the corruption of
state
power – a power ever-willing to kill and to align itself with an even more corrupt power, the Orthodox Church.
Like communism, which once promised absolution for the worst crimes in exchange for loyalty, Russia's current
state
religion allows, even encourages, misdeeds – including murder – so long as one is loyal to God.
As a result, political leaders have often asked citizens to sacrifice personal freedoms and comforts in the name of secularized spiritual entities, such as the nation or the
state
– and citizens have eagerly obliged.
One reason why we moved more slowly on democracy was that China’s leaders had made clear that they feared Hong Kong’s people would think the road was being cleared to become an independent state, like Singapore.
The 1993 division of Czechoslovakia into the Czech Republic and Slovakia – the famed “velvet divorce” – imposed no significant or lasting costs on either successor
state.
With increasing frequency – as, for example, with international trade treaties, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership – private actors are taking the place of governments, legislatures, and heads of
state
in setting policy.
Power in Russia is a product of inertia and personal willfulness, and a generally apathetic public has traditionally surrendered to the country’s paradox of tyranny: a weak
state
believes that it can function as a strong
state
by depriving citizens of basic liberties and the ability to make their own decisions.
In such a state, initiative, especially political initiative, is worse than futile; it is a crime, as the case of Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the imprisoned former oil tycoon, has demonstrated.
In the absence of the rule of law and functioning
state
services, we Russians generally perceive ourselves as subordinate to the
state
rather than as citizens acting out our lives in a functioning, vibrant, and independent civil society.
Thus, the Spanish philosopher Ortega y Gasset (1883-1955) could truthfully
state
that "the I of Man is immersed precisely in what is not himself, in the pure other that is his circumstance."
In the face of such security concerns, my argument that taking a human life is wrong, and that the
state
should not compound criminal wrongdoing with its own, found little resonance.
The social-welfare state, the nationalists claim, cannot substitute for ethnic identity.
On this occasion, UNESCO and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) are joining forces to present at UNESCO headquarters the exhibit
State
of Deception: The Power of Nazi Propaganda.
The news came as quite a shock: Recall that when Greek officials came clean about the true
state
of their country’s public finances in 2010, the budget deficit was more than 10% of GDP – a moment of statistical honesty that triggered the eurozone debt crisis.
But, given that legal-empowerment efforts constrain
state
power, there is a natural disincentive for states to finance them.
And yet, in order to begin a transition to more democratic forms of government, it helps to be a client
state
of the US.
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