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Sovereign in sentence

1399 examples of Sovereign in a sentence

On our part, we also will be recognizing not so much the Palestinian people, which one day may merge with the people of Jordan, as an independent and sovereign Palestinian state within the 1967 borders.
The economists Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff have studied centuries of sovereign-debt crises, and remind us that today’s developed world has a forgotten history of sovereign default.
Afghanistan is a sovereign state, and its government has the authority do what it wants.
Argentina’s Eternal Debt ProblemCAMBRIDGE – Argentina recently emerged from nearly 15 years of the most litigious sovereign default in modern times, if not ever.
But, by treating all sovereign debt equally, the ECB sent markets the wrong signal.
Most Arab oil producers are major credit exporters to the West, and several Gulf states’ sovereign wealth funds are among the most dynamic – and influential – actors in global capital markets.
In the absence of strong political commitment and credible plans for gradual fiscal consolidation, there is a distinct risk that at some point sovereign yields will rise markedly – with negative implications for the economy and politics.
Finally, amid widespread speculation that Venezuela may indeed default on up to $80 billion of foreign debt, it is not surprising that yields on its sovereign debt have hit 15%.
But, whereas Hamas operates without international recognition from Gaza – its legitimacy questioned even by the Palestinian Authority – India’s tormentors function from Pakistan, a sovereign member of the United Nations.
According to the court, the scheme can be legal only if it is limited in size ex ante, rules out losses on sovereign debt, and avoids “interferences with price formation on the market.”
The ECB’s impaired ability to address sovereign and currency risks means that it will have to break the feedback loop via the banks – a more difficult and less effective approach that increases the likelihood of a market panic and a deeper crisis.
Another round of bank bailouts is politically unacceptable and economically unfeasible: most governments, especially in Europe, are so distressed that bailouts are unaffordable; indeed, their sovereign risk is actually fueling concern about the health of Europe’s banks, which hold most of the increasingly shaky government paper.
The alternative is – like in the 1930s - unending stagnation, depression, currency and trade wars, capital controls, financial crisis, sovereign insolvencies, and massive social and political instability.
Many modern challenges – including tax avoidance, organized crime, cyber insecurity, terrorism, climate change, international migration, and financial flows, both licit and illicit – have one thing in common: the traditional instruments of a sovereign state have become inadequate to manage them.
With the growing public debt (at approximately 132% of GDP, Italy’s sovereign debt is one of the world’s largest) leading to an embrace of neoliberalism, the result was the privatization of many infrastructure projects.
STANFORD – Around the world, raging debates about whether, when, how, and how much to reduce large budget deficits and high levels of sovereign debt are dividing policymakers and publics.
The draft resolution has evoked US President Barack Obama’s 2010 speech at the General Assembly, in which he expressed the hope to “come back next year…[and] have an agreement that will lead to a new member of the United Nations – an independent, sovereign state of Palestine.”
Much is being made of high levels of sovereign debt on both sides of the Atlantic, and in Japan.
The international community has, so far, failed to develop effective and equitable arrangements for restructuring sovereign debt, despite the clearly dysfunctional and problematic consequences of past international public-debt crises.
Many see Greece as the potential first domino to fall in a scenario that runs as follows: the Greek austerity measures do not suffice, the debt crisis deepens, and the risk of a sovereign default spreads to other European economies.
Eventually, the sovereign debt crisis might hit the real economy, with Europe ending up in a vicious circle of even higher deficits, lower growth rates, exploding unemployment, and decreasing competitiveness.
And in later years, I worked with international colleagues to win global acceptance for the principle of the international community’s “responsibility to protect” those at risk of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes committed behind sovereign state borders.
The third response is to reduce sovereign risk by establishing a system of surveillance and mutual guarantees between the eurozone countries.
Even the best part of the plan, the proposed (but not really agreed) 50% haircut for private-sector holders of Greek sovereign debt, is not sufficient to stabilize that country’s profound debt and growth problems.
It seems clear that the European Central Bank will be forced to buy far greater quantities of eurozone sovereign (junk) bonds.
That may work in the short term, but if sovereign default risks materialize – as my research with Carmen Reinhart suggests is likely – the ECB will in turn have to be recapitalized.
Third, foreign central banks and sovereign wealth funds may be keen to keep buying up euros to hedge against risks to the US and their own economies.
If foreign official demand is the real reason behind the euro’s strength, the risk is that foreign sovereign euro buyers will eventually flee, just as private investors would, only in a faster and more concentrated way.
As a young sovereign (imperial regent at age 20; emperor at 25), he had to assume contradictory roles: divine pater familias of the Japanese state and Supreme Commander of the imperial armed forces that were colonizing Japan’s Asian neighbors.
The creation of the European Stability Mechanism, the European Central Bank's new supervisory role, and the ECB’s purchases of sovereign bonds over the course of the last year have provided much-needed relief to Europe’s beleaguered peripheral economies.
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