Sovereign
in sentence
1399 examples of Sovereign in a sentence
We must then break the perverse feedback loop between banking risk and
sovereign
risk that is at the heart of the euro crisis.
With regard to the first, emergency funds ought to be used to recapitalize the banking systems, as well as to provide loans to
sovereign
states.
Additional measures, such as “haircuts” for holders of
sovereign
debt, may be needed.
The country’s
sovereign
debt should have been restructured without delay.
This is the reality that the UN General Assembly acknowledged when it recognized a responsibility to protect endangered people in
sovereign
states.
Although eurozone sovereign-debt markets have stabilized, the share of
sovereign
bonds held by domestic banks has increased sharply in the last few months, accounting for more than half of the net increase in debt emissions in some countries.
In Spain and Italy,
sovereign
bonds now account for roughly 10% of banks’ total assets (see graphs below).
What accounts for banks’ growing bias toward their own country’s
sovereign
debt?
But, while Basel III favors
sovereign
debt in general by assigning it a zero risk-weight in calculating capital requirements, it does not favor home-country debt, at least not within the context of the eurozone.
In fact, eurozone banks’ preference for home-country
sovereign
bonds is rooted in a combination of factors, including fear of redenomination – a consequence of the crisis that leads banks to concentrate their risk domestically – and the expectation that bailout mechanisms will be national.
The first option would be to place upper limits on the
sovereign
debt held by banks – for example, by eliminating the current exemption of zero-risk
sovereign
bonds from regulators’ so-called large exposure regime.
A European debt agency would purchase eurozone countries’
sovereign
bonds, weighted according to each country’s contribution to the eurozone’s GDP, and use them as collateral to issue two securities.
The third option would be to introduce a new rule conditioning
sovereign
bonds’ zero-risk weight on banks’ willingness to hold them in certain proportions – for example, relative to GDP.
Although a transitional regime would be needed to avoid hurting banks in weaker countries, such a rule would dramatically reduce banks’ exposure to home-country
sovereign
debt.
Not all democracies were as strict as France in their formal secularism but all were secular: the law is made by the
sovereign
people and not by some superhuman being or agency.
Thanks to European Central Bank President Mario Draghi’s “whatever it takes” speech, new financial facilities to stabilize distressed
sovereign
debtors, and the beginning of a banking union, the eurozone is no longer on the verge of collapse.
The immediate answer is that national banks will now use the scheme to borrow cheaply from the ECB and invest in short-term
sovereign
bonds, using the interest-rate spread to create a profitable “sovereign carry trade.”
And how often do we hear about
sovereign
restructurings of local-currency debt?
One route, a currency area without
sovereign
backstopping, will lead to debt, currency crises, and the eurozone’s dissolution.
The OMT program arose in August 2012, when months of relentlessly rising risk premiums on Spanish and Italian
sovereign
bonds were threatening the eurozone’s survival and endangering the world economy.
As a lender of last resort to sovereigns, a central bank must stand ready to purchase
sovereign
debt unconditionally, in order to neutralize the effects of temporary market disruptions.
With the lira eliminated, holding down yields on
sovereign
debt can be a fool’s errand.
Just as untenably high exchange rates must ultimately depreciate, default is necessary in cases of unsustainable
sovereign
debt.
Sovereign-debt attorneys Lee Buchheit and Mitu Gulati warn that markets could “mercilessly test the ECB’s willingness to persist in buying unlimited quantities of peripheral
sovereign
bonds.”
The eurozone must allow for selective default on
sovereign
debt, with the ECB acting as a lender of last resort for solvent governments.
We need to make the EU far more democratic, transparent, and effective – which is to say, more
sovereign
– than it is today.
Italy’s
sovereign
debt already totals more than 130% of its GDP – the second-highest ratio in the EU (after Greece).
Italy is not there yet, but since the end of May, yields on its ten-year
sovereign
bonds have increased by about 210 basis points, bringing the differential with the German bund to over 270 basis points.
But every variation has provoked others in the region, by signaling China’s willingness to encroach on perceived fishing rights (as with Indonesia), rights to exploit resources (as with Vietnam), or their own rights to the land-features in questionThe PCA’s decision punctures any notion that international law now recognizes “traditional” or “historic” maritime claims not directly associated with recognized
sovereign
ownership of relevant types of land.
China can and will continue to claim that, despite competing claims by Vietnam, the Philippines, and others to the land features in question, it is the
sovereign
owner of habitable islands and permanently protruding rocks or reefs in the Spratly and Paracel Island groups and elsewhere.
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