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Sovereign in sentence

1399 examples of Sovereign in a sentence

These fears have long underpinned sovereign states’ insistence on the right to control immigration.
But the completely unrestricted movement of goods, capital, and labor within sovereign states became possible only when two conditions were met: the growth of national identity and the emergence of national authorities able to provide security in the face of adversity.
Interest-rate spreads on Italian sovereign debt have widened, but not sharply.
The coupon on these bonds was actually 1.5 percentage points below sovereign bonds of similar maturity, which is also unusual, especially given that Rosneft currently is subject to Western sanctions.
Rosneft had repeatedly asked for $40 billion from Russia’s sovereign wealth fund.
That’s not exciting territory for venture capitalists and private-equity investors, but it is in keeping with the expectations of institutional investors, such as pension funds, endowments, and sovereign wealth funds.
Just as European imperial powers employed gunboat diplomacy to open new markets and colonial outposts, China uses sovereign debt to bend other states to its will, without having to fire a single shot.
Instead of Parliament acting as the sovereign body that will write a constitution, Article 60 mandates that it is to “elect a 100-member constituent assembly.”
Most of the investment projects that the emerging world needs are long term, as are much of the available savings – the trillions in retirement accounts, pension funds, and sovereign wealth funds.
If bond markets, for example, are to work well, an orderly way of resolving cases of sovereign insolvency must be found.
The threat comes from the inside, as local tyrants seek to establish internal dominance through external conflicts and as sovereign democratic states pursue their self-interest to the detriment of the common interest.
They do not have much of a constituency in a world composed of sovereign states.
Sovereign Debt at Square OneCAMBRIDGE – Argentina and its bankers have been barred from making payments to fulfill debt-restructuring agreements reached with the country’s creditors, unless the 7% of creditors who rejected the agreements are paid in full – a judgment that is likely to stick, now that the US Supreme Court has upheld it.
Though it is hard to cry for Argentina, the ruling in favor of the holdouts is bad news for the global financial system and sets back the evolution of the international regime for restructuring sovereign debt.
Ambitious proposals to redress it, such as a Sovereign Debt Restructuring Mechanism (SDRM) housed at the International Monetary Fund, have always run into political roadblocks.
Third, the European Central Bank’s announcement last August of its “outright monetary transactions” program – through which it guarantees eurozone members’ sovereign debt, subject to policy conditionality – has contributed significantly to subduing financial turbulence in the eurozone.
Without access to sovereign lending from the World Bank or the IMF, Kosovo’s economy will continue to stagnate.
So was Malaysian leader Najib Razak, whose wealth may be questioned by the US Justice Department as part of a wide-ranging investigation into fraud at a Malaysian sovereign wealth fund.
The eurozone will look like a German protectorate, rather than a voluntary union of sovereign countries.
In the medium term, help to Spain will merely reinforce the link between the sovereign and the banks’ problems, causing even greater fragmentation in the European banking market and pushing Spain closer to potential insolvency by increasing its debt burden.
By contrast, a direct equity stake in Spanish banks taken by an appropriate eurozone investment vehicle would decouple bank and sovereign risk.
To cope with this type of sovereign risk, a high degree of political and fiscal integration is needed.
The ECB’s massive refinancing operations to provide liquidity to the financial system have also strengthened the link between sovereign and bank risk.
For example, the banking union needs to be strengthened through an enhanced resolution regime and an integrated financial supervisor, and a sovereign insolvency mechanism should be introduced.
But several eurozone members did not keep their word, and the crisis engulfing their sovereign debt now endangers the survival of the eurozone as a whole.
As coordination among sovereign states has plainly not worked, only two possibilities are left.
One option is that eurozone members remain sovereign and claim back their monetary powers, which implies not only the death of the euro, but also a threat to the internal market and to the EU’s very existence.
But the source of the authority is always the sovereign state.
Sometimes, even powerful sovereign states use global commitments to help them lock in sensible policies that might otherwise be difficult to initiate and sustain.
Ultimately, as I argue in greater detail in a paper for the Global Citizens Foundation, ordinary people are better off with global institutions, notwithstanding their weakness relative to their most powerful sovereign members and their lack of legitimacy relative to their democratic members.
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