Example collocations logo

Sheets in sentence

728 examples of Sheets in a sentence

And, with banks’ balance sheets having been strengthened, it will be possible to restructure mortgage debts, bank debts, and other private-sector debts without destabilizing financial systems.
Negative interest rates hurt banks’ balance sheets, with the “wealth effect” on banks overwhelming the small increase in incentives to lend.
The emerging economies generally have the policy instruments, balance sheets, and expertise to respond effectively.
Such requirements would not prevent useful capital flows: global banking groups could invest equity in emerging markets and fund their subsidiaries’ balance sheets with long-term debt.
Emerging economies will be called on to play an even larger role in a multi-speed global economy characterized by protracted rehabilitation of over-extended balance sheets in industrial countries.
Smaller firms are gradually recuperating; banks have rebuilt their capital cushions and reduced their dubious assets; the housing sector has stabilized; and a growing number of households are reestablishing healthier balance sheets, especially as employment gradually picks up.
Rather than exerting discipline, global financial markets have increased the availability of debt, thereby weakening profligate governments' budget constraints and over-extended banks' balance sheets.
This is exacerbated by their strong anisotropy – the materials have a quasi-two-dimensional structure consisting of a weakly coupled stack of conducting sheets.
Until recently, much of the US government’s focus has been on the toxic assets clogging banks’ balance sheets.
China and most of the other emerging Asian economies have strong government balance sheets – the GDP shares of their budget deficits and public debt are relatively small.
German authorities have been deplorably tolerant of commercial bank involvement in complex asset-backed securities investments, which were kept off their balance sheets via so-called “conduit” operations in Ireland.
Banks’ balance sheets are systemically dangerous when bloated by leverage, and it is this that regulatory or fiscal policy should address through liquidity buffers and leverage ratios.
Booms have similar characteristics – strong growth in banks’ balance sheets and credit, and therefore a rise in leverage.
The first relates to balance sheets.
State- and local-government budgets are improving, the housing market is strengthening, and households are deleveraging and repairing their balance sheets.
With today’s businesses expected to contribute more to society than just what is on their balance sheets, there is a new impetus to base corporate taxation partly on a firm’s social footprint.
Instead, European companies slashed annual investment by more than €100 billion ($113 billion) a year from 2008 to 2015, and have stockpiled some €700 billion of cash on their balance sheets.
Banks, firms, and households are still cleaning up their balance sheets and working off the heaps of debt they amassed during the credit boom that preceded the bust.
The budget deficit has fallen markedly, while companies and households, too, have continued to strengthen their balance sheets.
I am convinced that we need an overall cap on leverage on banks’ balance sheets, regardless of risk asset weightings or value at risk measurements.
In the current climate, it is impossible to measure the valuation of many financial assets to an accuracy of 3%, and the excessive leverage that has been a feature of many banks’ balance sheets through this crisis needs to be put right – and kept right for the future.
The asset-backed commercial paper market came to a standstill and the special investment vehicles set up by banks to get mortgages off their balance sheets could no longer get outside financing.
Facing the prospect of having to raise additional capital at a time when their shares are selling at a fraction of book value, banks have a powerful incentive to reduce their balance sheets by withdrawing credit lines and shrinking their loan portfolios.
Both have been used more widely – indeed, taken to extreme levels – to supplement the unconventional expansion of balance sheets in the context of liquidity traps.
Banks’ balance sheets were by then filled with vast amounts of risky mortgages, packaged in complicated forms that made the risks hard to evaluate.
With the housing collapse lowering spending, the Fed, in an effort to ward off recession and help banks with fragile balance sheets, has been cutting interest rates since the fall of 2007.
Throughout the world, there may be some similar effects, to the extent that foreign banks also hold bad US mortgages on their balance sheets, or in the worst case, if a general financial crisis takes hold.
If, however, a permanent increase in the monetary base is transferred to the government as seigniorage revenue, it can use the windfall to fund tax cuts or increase spending without affecting its balance sheets.
A lower price level would also increase the real value of business debt, weakening balance sheets and thus making it harder for companies to get additional credit.
A similar compromise could also be reached for the eurozone’s financial framework, and in particular the treatment of sovereign risk on banks’ balance sheets.
BackNext