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Settlements in sentence

412 examples of Settlements in a sentence

The Hour of HamasIsrael’s unilateral withdrawal from all 21 Gaza settlements and four in the West Bank has created a new reality for Palestinians.
He successfully persuaded Palestinian militants to hold their fire and show Israelis and the world that dismantling settlements need not involve Israeli-Palestinian violence.
The goal must be to reach a grand bargain that takes into account the major issues dividing the region, including the status of the Palestinians and Kurds, and creates conditions for viable political settlements in Syria and Iraq.
Freeze the Settlement FreezeRAMALLAH – Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to approve new Jewish settlements on the eve of a possible settlement freeze is the latest round in a cycle that has been repeated so many times over the past 40 years that it would seem mundane if it were not so dangerous.
Israeli settlers and their supporters then gather even more energy to expand onto more Palestinian land, build more exclusively Jewish settlements, and destroy more Arab homes before the so-called “freeze” comes into effect.
In the end, more Jewish settlements appear.
Indeed, the great paradox of this cycle is that more settlements are built during times of negotiations than during times of conflict.
When former United States Secretary of State James Baker began his shuttle diplomacy for peace, his ultimately unsuccessful efforts actually resulted in more settlements, with a new one started just hours before he was due to arrive for talks.
And, while Palestinians and Israelis did reach a secret agreement a few years later that was publicly declared at a White House ceremony, construction of Jewish settlements didn’t stop.
The creation of new settlements has often been accompanied by hostile media reporting – even within Israel – as well as international condemnation, yet the settlement train has not stopped.
For the US, the settlements have proven to be an equal-opportunity obstacle, obstructing both Republican and Democratic diplomacy.
This cycle has become so bizarre and confusing that Palestinians are not sure whether they should hope for continued tensions with Israel (which usually means no new settlements) or for continued negotiations (which usually provide cover for building settlements).
Of course, whenever the Israelis defy the world over the settlements, as is now once again happening, US and other officials “denounce” and “regret” the decision.
Palestinians are caught in a Catch-22: if they insist on a settlement freeze, Israel preemptively begins to build new settlements.
And how can hundreds of isolated settlements spread amidst a hostile Palestinian population ever be considered a strategic asset?
When the war started, the first thing the Israeli army command sought was the evacuation of the area’s settlements, which Israel’s generals knew would quickly become an impossible burden, and an obstacle to maneuver, for their troops.
His administration has been marked by authoritarianism and capriciousness, and he has forced out senior managers at unprecedented rates, sometimes requiring the Bank to reach quiet settlements with those affected.
There is also a growing clamor in the EU to enforce the correct labeling of products made in Israel’s West Bank settlements.
But the settlements are not part of Israel under international law.
Policy debates in the US are chiefly preoccupied with ensuring that banks are never “too big to fail”; that private investors rather than taxpayers hold “contingent capital,” which in a crash can be converted into equity; and that “over-the-counter” markets’ functioning be improved through greater reliance on centralized trading, clearing, and settlements.
In other words, such a process would deal with the issues of 1967 – defining a border (including Jerusalem), withdrawing and dismantling settlements, putting in place security arrangements, and the Palestinians’ assumption of full governance responsibility – while shelving for the future those of 1948.
Still, not enough engineering expertise has been brought to bear in refugee settlements, whose populations have swelled in recent years as more people have had to flee from conflicts and natural disasters.
To apply biomedical engineering to refugee health challenges, students, experts, and practitioners need to familiarize themselves with conditions in refugee settlements, and deepen their understanding of the complex traumas that afflict refugees.
But, by continuing to build settlements on Palestinian land, the Israeli government has undermined the authority of Abbas and his Fatah government almost to the point of impotence.
The Palestinians want an independent state, but on the condition that they secure Jerusalem as its capital, and that Israel ceases to expand settlements on territory that it has occupied since the 1967 Six-Day War.
But the question of the settlements is even more difficult to resolve.
Even under pressure from the international community and, most powerfully, from the US, Israel has consistently refused to slow expansion of its settlements in the West Bank.
Strikingly, the reconfiguration of the security forces is usually ignored in post-war political settlements (though this has been changing since Iraq’s implosion).
In Israel, has the realization of a new strategic threat made debates about land and settlements seem obsolete?
The devastation caused by Israel’s periodic asymmetrical confrontations, combined with the continuing occupation of Palestinian lands and the ever-growing expansion of settlements, has fueled a growing campaign to undermine Israel’s legitimacy.
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