Sentiments
in sentence
350 examples of Sentiments in a sentence
Newspaper headlines, however, are pretty good at tempering such
sentiments.
Indeed, Yale University historian Timothy D. Snyder, who could hardly be accused of harboring anti-Polish sentiments, has concluded that Poles behaved more or less the same as other people under similar circumstances.
The head of a famous journalism school, echoing
sentiments
common among her peers, told me recently, “We are preparing students to enter a profession that won’t exist as we know it by the time they graduate.”
The problem of identity is made even worse by the fact that most Central European nations, where nation-building was retarded by Communism, easily succumb to nationalist
sentiments
that in turn are misused by some politicians.
In Slovakia, where nationalist
sentiments
were an important political factor after 1989, the political spectrum has not yet coalesced along standard right-left political axis.
Indeed, our pro-EU
sentiments
may be all the stronger because our membership in the Union, like our freedom, is so comparatively new.
Rather, they are headwinds that can and will be overcome, for they fail to capture a reality that is evident from the
sentiments
of a broad cross-section of society.
As a result, the government has not hesitated to try to curry favor with the Islamists by using legislation that prohibits “hurting religious sentiments” to harass and arrest atheists and liberals.
The Brexit campaign is tapping into the same primordial
sentiments
as Donald Trump is in the US.
Uncertainty about jobs breeds anxiety, and anxiety stokes protectionist
sentiments.
On the contrary, Greek left-wing groups, including Syriza, have rarely, if ever, succumbed to such anti-German
sentiments
(at least officially).
Moreover, because Turkey borders on such countries as Iran, Iraq and Syria, it will bring to the EU a disturbing neighborhood: a part of the world incapable of developing a regional order on its own, a cockpit of Islamic radicalism and terrorism, a collection of fragile states imbued with nationalism, a field of competition for arms, even nuclear arms, a region where the US will remain strategically involved and where Israel will continue to provide a rallying point for anti-Western
sentiments.
Building on the
sentiments
of his encyclical letter, Laudato Si’, Francis highlighted the international community’s responsibility to respond to human suffering, such as that faced by refugees and those living in extreme poverty, and called for global solidarity in order to overcome social exclusion and inequality.
But there is no country in which attempts to draw political conclusions from these popular
sentiments
have not ended in disaster.
These
sentiments
are not new, but in the past they could be managed by the large political forces built around the epic narratives of the left and right.
Zhao pointed out to the Politburo that the
sentiments
expressed by the students and residents in their commemoration of Hu, in their protests against corruption, and their desire for democracy were really the same
sentiments
that they themselves held.
Why?Russian voters tend to vote according to three main sentiments: anti-liberal, anti-oligarchic, and anti-Western (more precisely, anti-American).
Such
sentiments
reflect the slow growth and fiscal problems that followed the 2008 financial crisis, but they are not historically unprecedented.
For others, the key is to understand why we have moral
sentiments
in the first place.
According to this latter view, moral
sentiments
evolved to sustain human cooperation.
And in today’s climate, where “taking offense” is the name of the game and “hurting the
sentiments
of a community” is the name of the crime, that perspective is particularly relevant.
In the US, Trump’s ascendancy and the political traction gained by Senator Bernie Sanders’s primary campaign reflect many of the same
sentiments
that led to Brexit.
Nationalist, xenophobic, and anti-Muslim
sentiments
are on the rise, aggravated by the failure to integrate immigrant communities.
With the economic benefits of EU membership now seeming much less than expected, the intensity of pro-EU
sentiments
in the candidate countries has significantly declined.
Sentiments
that we take for granted in the opinion pages of newspapers rarely find their way into Bollywood blockbusters.
As a result, chauvinist
sentiments
have been instilled in generations that are far removed from the horrors of past wars, while institutions capable of fostering economic and political cooperation remain in their infancy.
In Britain, which in June will hold a referendum on withdrawal from the European Union, these
sentiments
are crudely stirred by anti-EU ministers who lie about the extent to which an allegedly dictatorial regime in Brussels interferes with the discharge of their official duties.
They have started to trace the evolutionary origins of pro-social
sentiments
such as empathy, and have begun to uncover the genes that dispose some individuals to senseless violence and others to acts of altruism, and the pathways in our brain that shape our ethical decisions.
But the research is advancing fast, and it is almost certain to suggest new ways to reshape our moral intuitions, sentiments, and motivations.
But democracies fail when citizens become complacent or alienated, and when populists are allowed to exploit such
sentiments.
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