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Secular in sentence

783 examples of Secular in a sentence

Arab Fathers and SonsThe problem of succession in the Arab secular republics highlights their predicament in the transition to a post-revolutionary phase, for succession in regimes that fail to build strong institutions always risks triggering a systemic crisis.
As products of revolutionary military takeovers, these secular nationalist regimes failed to produce genuine popular legitimacy and have had to fall back on the dynastic succession practiced by the regimes they toppled.
But, with the decline of secular nationalism and Islamism’s rise, the hidden electoral power of the Muslim Brotherhood poses a mortal threat to the regime and its strategic alliance with the West.
In modern times, it took the threat of nuclear war to spark efforts to mend ties between East and West – and even then the rapprochement was spearheaded primarily by Russia’s secular authorities.
At one extreme you find countries like France, whose constitution defines the State as secular ( laique ).
No one could credibly argue that, say, Denmark is less committed to liberal democracy or is less tolerant than, say, France or Italy, despite the fact that Denmark recognizes an official state church and France and Italy are avowedly secular.
The post-Ottoman order that emerged a century ago – an order based on secular Arab nationalism – has already crumbled.
And it certainly won’t reconcile the sacred with the secular.
In this case, the condition is slow economic growth, also known as secular stagnation, caused by depressed investment, which in turn reflects financial problems and policy uncertainty.
But the retention of such laws is easier to understand in the case of countries that incorporate religious teachings into their criminal law – no matter how much others may regret it – than in a secular democracy like India.
According to one view, he is betting that social conservatives and white blue-collar supporters in rural areas will vote on the basis of nationalist and religious sentiment and antipathy toward secular coastal elites, rather than for their own financial interests.
At the center of the storm are Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, head of the moderately Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP), and Yasar Buyukanit, Chief of the General Staff of the Turkish military, which regards itself as the guardian of the secular republican tradition established by Kemal Ataturk.
When Erdogan contemplated moving from the prime minister’s job to the presidency earlier this spring, the military and secular political parties indicated profound dissatisfaction.
General Buyukanit said in April that the country’s new president must be secular “not just in words, but in essence.”
The secular establishment argues that the AKP’s moderation thus far reflects the checks and balances implied by secularist control of the presidency.
Massive public demonstrations were held in Istanbul to support Turkey’s Kemalist secular tradition.
As part of that effort, BRAC, which is already the world’s largest private secular education provider, plans to invest at least $280 million to reach 2.7 million additional girls and train 75,000 teachers by 2019.
By demanding severe punishment for those guilty of war crimes – not the Pakistani Army, long gone, but their local collaborators in groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, Al Badar, Al Shams, and the Razakar irregulars – the protesters are also implicitly describing the society in which they wish to live: secular, pluralist, and democratic.
While some see no contradiction, the fact that many of the collaborators who killed secular and pro-democracy Bengalis in 1971 claimed to be doing so in the name of Islam points to an evident tension.
The debate between religious fundamentalism and secular democracy is not a new one on the subcontinent.
We cannot treat the influence of religious faith in purely secular terms.
Those who feel that their faith compels them to act in a way destructive of mutual respect must be persuaded that this is a wrong reading of their faith; otherwise, such a faith-based compulsion will always trump secular political arguments.
In today’s crisis, muddling through would be a recipe for a continuation of the crisis and secular stagnation of the type once described by Alvin Hansen, a contemporary of Keynes.
For 30 years, the US government supported secular rulers who justified their iron grip on power by insisting that the choice was between them and “the Islamists” – whom they portrayed as religious zealots bent on taking their countries back to the Middle Ages.
Despite massive evidence to the contrary, many people – not least theologians – fear that we live in a secular age.
The relation of divine and secular fuels passionate debate throughout the Islamic world and in Israel, but the Orthodox idea of sinfonia – the harmonious unity between society, state, and church – constitutes a distinctive challenge to the acceptance of liberal democracy.
After all, the victory of the secular Awami National Party (ANP) in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province is a strong indication that people there have rejected religious political forces and violence.
First, the rise of an Arab political class that is more influenced by religion than by secular nationalism has eroded the main structural barrier to Turkish engagement.
A doctor may choose a secular path, or try to integrate a traditional faith with a modern profession.
Garang fought for a united, secular, and democratic Sudan, a lofty dream that the Islamist regime in Khartoum admittedly has had no intention of implementing.
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