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Sectarian in sentence

330 examples of Sectarian in a sentence

If you are a dictator facing sustained political protests, be as brutal as possible and incite sectarian killing.
He worked assiduously to fan the flames of sectarian civil war, succeeding to the extent that now the chief reason for not intervening to stop the killing is the impossibility of doing so effectively in an environment of sectarian violence.
The hesitation partly reflects the very different geopolitics of the Syrian crisis: potentially explosive regional sectarian divisions, no Arab League unanimity in favor of tough action, a long Russian commitment to the Assad regime, and a strong Syrian army, which would make any conceivable military intervention difficult and bloody.
Iraq, another of Turkey’s neighbors, faces the risk of a protracted sectarian power struggle following withdrawal of US troops.
From Turkey’s perspective, an Israeli or American strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities would destabilize the region further, as Iran would undoubtedly retaliate by fueling sectarian tensions and undermining the prospects of a settlement in both Syria and Iraq.
On the right, civilized religionists support the opera to demonstrate a broad-minded concern with subsidizing the great achievements of European civilization, not merely sectarian ones.
The regime’s effort to turn its struggle for survival into an ethnic and sectarian conflict could wreak havoc across the region, starting with neighbors like Lebanon and Iraq.
Iran’s Iraq CalculationsWASHINGTON, DC – With the spread of ethnic and sectarian violence in Iraq – brought to new levels of terror by the rise of the Islamic State (IS) – Iran’s image as an island of stability in a conflict-ridden Middle East may be short-lived.
But, as Iran steps up military support for the Iraqi government, Iranian officials fear, quite reasonably, that intervention could suck the country into an open-ended sectarian civil war.
Throughout Lebanon, a common school curriculum championing religious diversity – including the “refusal of any radicalism and religious or sectarian seclusion” – is being taught to Sunni, Shia, and Christian children starting at the age of nine.
If troubled Lebanon, wracked by sectarian violence and religious divides, can champion coexistence and provide Syrian refugees with a chance to study, there is no reason other countries in the region should not follow its example.
Tunisia is relatively homogeneous ethnically and lacks sharp sectarian divisions; nonetheless, owing partly to its porous borders with Algeria and Libya, the specter of violence is always present.
In Syria, nobody is prepared to predict the outcome of what is turning into a bloody battle with sectarian overtones.
After all, such sectarian identities are not the sort of basis for politics that a twenty-first-century democracy should embrace.
Education Minister Elias Bou Saab has cut through red tape and sectarian disputes to introduce a double-shift system in the country’s schools, beginning in September.
And the current regional and sectarian confrontation in the Middle East affects the nuclear negotiations directly.
Indeed, Lebanon, following the collapse of Najib Mikati’s government, is already on the brink of civil war, as direct intervention in Syria by Hezbollah, Iran’s Lebanese proxy, to prevent Assad’s overthrow has exacerbated the country’s own longstanding sectarian tensions.
Political assassinations and polarization in Tunisia, civil unrest and a military takeover in Egypt, terrorist attacks in Yemen, sectarian strife and an institutional vacuum in Libya, and civil war in Syria have contributed to a sharp fall in investment, tourism, exports, and GDP growth, aggravating macroeconomic imbalances.
Should the US choose to face al-Sadr and his forces head on, they risk alienating Iraq’s largest sectarian community, the Shi’a, adding fuel to the anti-occupation resistance and thus probably dooming Bush to failure.
But, if the Arab Spring has taught us anything, it is that the Middle East’s real fault lines have little to do with Israel and much to do with the Arab world’s deepening secularist-Islamist divide and growing sectarian struggle between Shia and Sunni.
What Corbyn and Livingstone represent is a sectarian hard left, driven largely by a fierce hostility to what they perceive as Western imperialism (or “neo-colonialism”), and racism against non-white people.
The two countries that most clearly represent the evils of neo-colonialism and racism in the eyes of the sectarian left are Israel and the US.
The leadership of the Labour Party by the sectarian left is a recent phenomenon.
Racked by sectarian violence and civil war, the country has no functioning government to manage water resources.
So far, bleak predictions that the campaign would split Nigerians along Islamic/Christian lines, triggering sectarian violence before the voting, have not come to pass.
With a Kurdish exit removing the third constituent element – besides Shia and Sunni Arabs – of Iraqi politics, the country’s sectarian polarization would most likely deepen.
The combination of ethnic and sectarian fears and rivalries, historical memories, and willful blindness among outside powers seems almost predestined to destabilize the entire Middle East again.
And we should know by now that any Western military intervention with overtly political, rather than clearly humanitarian, objectives runs a real risk of inflaming sectarian sentiment.
Syria powerfully demonstrates how a fight against a dictator can soon turn into a sectarian struggle for survival or mastery.
When sectarian violence erupted there following the removal of Hosni Mubarak, the revolutionary coalitions adopted the slogan, “You won’t gloat over this, Mubarak.”
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