Sectarian
in sentence
330 examples of Sectarian in a sentence
Although it has been essential in establishing their national identities, these countries’
sectarian
divide – Saudi Arabia is the Arab world’s leading Sunni power, while Iran is majority Shia – has not always been an element of confrontation in the region.
In the late 1970s, however, a
sectarian
battle of identities flared up.
Their
sectarian
anxieties aside, the Saudis and Egyptians fear that a nuclear Iran might secure Shiite dominance in the region.
The
sectarian
violence, in which rival gangs burned down villages and some 140,000 people (mostly Rohingya) were displaced, helped to transform the Rohingya militancy back into a full-blown insurgency, with rebels launching hit-and-run attacks on security forces.
Breaking the cycle of terror and violence that has plagued Myanmar for decades will require the country to address the deep-seated
sectarian
tensions that are driving Rohingya toward jihadism.
To be sure, political factions in Tunisia have set a good example by often compromising with one another in order to create a viable governance structure; but domestic social and
sectarian
grievances are still very much a part of Tunisian politics.
Think of the 15 million Chinese displaced following the Sichuan earthquake, the more than two million Iraqis uprooted within their country’s borders by
sectarian
and other violence, the 2.4 million displaced in Darfur, or the hundreds of thousands who have fled Mogadishu in the last year.
Indeed,
sectarian
fault lines, together with the security forces’ complete fealty to the monarchy, seriously diminish the likelihood of peaceful regime change.
And he can dismiss the prime minister, Khalifa bin Salman al-Khalifa, who has exhausted many on both sides of the
sectarian
divide during his 40 years in power.
Bahrain is the Kingdom’s most loyal ally in the region, and the Saudis fear that
sectarian
unrest could spread to the country’s eastern region, where a Shia-minority nurses long-held grievances.
The US did not offer any clear indication of what it thought should follow such an outcome, apart from some kind of election process, which in a largely
sectarian
conflict like Syria’s would amount to nothing more than an elaborate census.
To reverse the region’s slide into chaos, it needs strong stabilizing forces that can underpin coordinated action aimed at curtailing
sectarian
violence.
Though fragmentation and
sectarian
violence have recently become a more urgent danger, the risks associated with Iran’s emergence as a nuclear power should not be underestimated.
Given the
sectarian
nature of regional conflicts – for which the Iranian authorities bear a heavy responsibility – engagement with Iran must be conducted within a broader framework of regional cooperation, in particular with the Gulf states.
But, in the longer term, those limits on federal power will push Iraq toward a
sectarian
scramble for power and revenue.
There is a great danger that the new Iraq’s
sectarian
politics will benefit those who promise their constituents the most – at the expense of the central government and the country’s other factions.
The central government’s weakness, continued insurgent violence, growing Iranian influence in Baghdad and with Shiite powerbrokers in the south, and the natural progression of
sectarian
politics suggest that the new Iraq will be markedly less stable as the year draws to a close.
To some extent, this is already occurring, with Iraq and Syria splintering into
sectarian
or tribal units.
At best, democracy is still off in the distance: the military still dominates in Egypt and Tunisia, tribal forces are on the rise in Libya and Yemen, and
sectarian
divides between Sunni and Shia are likely to dominate politics in Bahrain, as they have in Iraq since 2003.
To be sure, Bush’s new strategy is highly unlikely to help Iraqis avert a slide into
sectarian
civil war.
Several Gulf powers and Iran are engaged in a partly
sectarian
proxy war in Yemen – one that will not end anytime soon.
Nouri al-Maliki, the Shia prime minister, has been brutal, corrupt, and outrageously
sectarian
– deeply embarrassing his supporters in the United States and sometimes even his patrons in Iran.
What they produced instead was an “electocracy” that, in the absence of liberal institutions, replaced the tyranny of the Sunni minority with a tyranny of the Shiite majority and a religious
sectarian
civil war.
Mercenary soldiers, Protestant or Catholic, switched sides whenever it suited them, while the Vatican backed the Protestant German princes, Catholic France backed the Protestant Dutch Republic, and many other alliances were forged across
sectarian
lines.
The main axis of conflict in the Middle East is not religious or sectarian, but geopolitical: the struggle for regional hegemony between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
The Syrian
Sectarian
DelusionPRINCETON – As Syria’s 18-month-old rebellion has grown increasingly violent – exemplified by the recent massacre of rural villagers by the Syrian military and militias loyal to President Bashar al-Assad – long-standing
sectarian
divisions have become more pronounced.
Such examples complicate the notion of a Syria defined by rigid
sectarian
divisions, and experiences from modern Syrian history further blur
sectarian
lines.
Yet Alawites and other minorities, particularly Christians, do remain largely supportive of the regime, given their all-too-real fear of
sectarian
reprisals.
The longer world leaders reduce Syria’s problems solely to
sectarian
conflict, the more unpredictable and dangerous the situation there could become.
Moreover, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, made non-state actors and so-called “failing” states with troubling
sectarian
and ethnic conflicts a new security concern.
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