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Sectarian in sentence

330 examples of Sectarian in a sentence

But perhaps the most intractable challenge of all is bridging the sectarian rift between the country’s Shia and Sunni citizens.
The rule of al-Nasir – who viewed the Shia as an intrinsic part of the Islamic community and sought to treat all of his subjects equally – was characterized by a marked decrease in sectarian tensions.
In Pakistan, for example, there are sectarian killings almost daily; in Malaysia, the tiny Shia population is viewed as an existential threat; and incendiary language dominates discourse about rival sects in Wahhabi circles in Saudi Arabia and far beyond.
The fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 provides a good example of how a political event, viewed through a sectarian lens, can be interpreted differently.
There is too little knowledge about other communities’ beliefs and history, and what little exists has been overwhelmed by sectarian anger and its poisonous rhetoric.
Much will depend on whether he can shed his sectarian attitudes and become a truly inclusive leader.
Violent revolutions can reach peaceful resolutions, but such an outcome is less likely where deep, unresolved sectarian grievances are in play, as they are in the Middle East.
So the Saudi regime is divided, its legitimacy is questioned, and sectarian tensions are growing.
In the absence of international leadership in forging a political end-state, Syria’s conflict has tragically become a sectarian civil war – one that is rapidly metastasizing, with far-reaching consequences for US interests in the region and for prior US political investments in projects like Iraq.
Sectarian violence is once again consuming Iraq, while clashes between anti-regime factions in Syria are becoming ever more frequent, with Islamists seeking to gain the upper hand ahead of the political transition that would occur should the government collapse.
A country torn by sectarian violence beginning in 1975, Lebanon pitted an even more complex array of contestants against each other than Iraq does today.
First, the Turkish military has no interest in embracing the risks that come with involvement in Iraq’s sectarian strife.
Most people in the West regard Syria’s civil war as a continuation of the sectarian violence in Iraq.
Syria is the proverbial problem from hell, a country whose borders have little to do with the tribal or sectarian identities found in the Levant.
Syria’s problem is not simply Assad’s presence in power; removing his regime would not by itself harmonize the interests embedded in the country’s patchwork quilt of ethnic and sectarian identities.
But Syria cannot be governed by just one political party or sectarian group.
But, though the Houthis’ effort to consolidate political control is far more complex than a sectarian narrative would suggest, for the Saudis it represents yet another frightening emergence of Shia power on their borders.
The sectarian divide underlies the latent struggle for regional control between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
In Lebanon, for example, the arrival of more than one million Syrians has sparked worries that the country’s sectarian balance could be altered, undermining its fragile political system.
Indeed, throughout the region, warring parties are relying on sectarian identity politics to mobilize support, further polarizing populations along religious, ethnic, and ideological lines.
Beyond subjugating those in the caliphate, exterminating the Shia, and gaining custodianship of Islam's holy cities in Saudi Arabia, the Islamic State ultimately embraces an apocalyptic vision, to be realized through a sectarian totalitarianism that embodies divine revelation – and thus envisions no compromise or competition.
In particular, the Egyptian authorities brazenly use Article 98(f) of the Egyptian Penal Code – which prohibits citizens from defaming a “heavenly religion,” inciting sectarian strife, or insulting Islam – to detain, prosecute, and imprison members of non-majority religious groups, especially Christians.
This is dangerous because apathy does not take the form of withdrawal from public life, but increasingly finds expression in sectarian and religious conflict.
Al-Maliki sought to protect the interests of Iraq’s Shia at the expense of its Sunni citizens, appointing military leaders based on their tribal and sectarian affiliations rather than their merit.
Education would continue to stagnate, and Arab societies, which are divided across sectarian, tribal, and regional lines, would experience rising levels of retribution and violence.
By contrast, twentieth-century insurgencies were usually secular, based on economic class, sectarian differences, or other deep political cleavages.
If that happens, the insurgency will be superseded by a much more dangerous sectarian civil war.
But capitalism’s (or democracy’s) victory began to look less complete against the backdrop of ethnic and religious strife – and soon sectarian terrorism – that filled some of the vacuum left by the demise of the Soviet Union.
Many more are feared as violence among the main sectarian groups escalates.
Assad would remain in power in the richest part of the country, with bitter sectarian fury reigning in the country’s eastern hinterland.
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