Sectarian
in sentence
330 examples of Sectarian in a sentence
Would you like to see civil war,
sectarian
killing?
For 10 years, unfortunately we have found ourselves reporting images of destruction, images of killing, of
sectarian
conflicts, images of violence, emerging from a magnificent piece of land, a region that one day was the source of civilizations and art and culture for thousands of years.
They would bring prosperity, security, overcome
sectarian
violence, ensure that states would never again harbor terrorists.
We went through a period of feeling that the lesson learned from Bosnia was that elections held too early enshrined
sectarian
violence, enshrined extremist parties, so in Iraq in 2003 the decision was made, let's not have elections for two years.
For some, it will lead to anger, religious and
sectarian
violence and terrorism.
You've got places like Iraq, which is suffering from a high level of
sectarian
violence, again a breeding ground for terrorism.
While many reasons had led to the Syrian war, we shouldn't underestimate the way in which, by contributing to the loss of identity and self-respect, urban zoning and misguided, inhumane architecture have nurtured
sectarian
divisions and hatred.
The issues were, of course, ethnic
sectarian
violence.
Also, one IMDb critic wrote that "this film only shows rebellion in the form of following a
sectarian
leader".
In 1947, India’s leaders faced a country with a million dead, 13 million displaced, billions of rupees worth of property damage, and the wounds of
sectarian
violence still bleeding.
The “third front” involves assorted petty particularisms – parties representing the
sectarian
interests of specific castes, sub-regions, or linguistic groups.
As a neighboring country, India would face disturbing consequences if they returned to power in Afghanistan, as would Iran, which would not sit idly by if
sectarian
strife intensified and the Shia became targets of a resurgent Taliban.
Syria’s Christians, many of its 1.5 million Kurds, and even Damascus-based, secular classes have been disinclined to join what is widely perceived in the country – though not by the rest of the world – as a
sectarian
Sunni opposition that might not be supportive of cultural pluralism were it to assume power.
By contrast, many Sunni Arab states have provided varying degrees of support to the largely Sunni opposition, a hodgepodge of groups that include the Muslim Brotherhood and other
sectarian
forces similar to Egypt’s ultra-conservative Salafis.
But it has lost its halo as a voice for the oppressed and downtrodden, and has exposed itself as a partisan and
sectarian
party that will side with Iran and its allies even at the expense of human rights and human lives in neighboring Syria.
The US should be working to create a strong, unified government, rather than strengthening
sectarian
militias.
The
sectarian
dimensions of today’s Middle East, with its active Sunni-Shia fault line, are more pronounced than they have been in centuries.
Whether Iraq’s switch from a Sunni-minority regime to Shia-majority rule is a cause or a symptom of the current regional churn, it is clear that the
sectarian
divide has underpinned the crises in Iraq, Syria, Bahrain, Yemen, and parts of Saudi Arabia.
The nuclear issue is just one of many Saudi concerns, and it pales in comparison to the
sectarian
struggles unfolding in the Arab Middle East.
Iraq’s prime minister, Nuri el-Maliki, representing the ruling Shi’a-Kurdish coalition, expressed the hope that the dictator’s end would help to heal the
sectarian
divides.
More than a million Hindus and Muslims lost their lives in horrific
sectarian
violence when the British Raj left a partitioned country to its devices.
Conditions were exacerbated by a
sectarian
civil war between Alawites and Sunnis, which culminated in several atrocious massacres.
In the absence of an effective, well organized, and internationally recognized opposition, the regime’s downfall could be followed by anarchy, all-out
sectarian
civil war, secessionist movements, and de facto partition.
The Irresistible Rise of the Muslim Middle ClassLAHORE – The Muslim world’s current turmoil has one key cause that is rooted in neither religious ideology nor
sectarian
struggle.
Iraq’s location on a major fault line between Sunnis and Shia – whose
sectarian
rivalry has become the main axis of confrontation in the region – has been a source of instability in the country for decades.
The
sectarian
nature of Iraq’s security sector and partisan polarization in the Palestinian Authority imply similar risks.
Clearly, formalizing policing and adjudication on the basis of clan, sectarian, or ethnic identity –as has happened with the revolutionary militias of Libya, the Shia Hashd militias in Iraq, or
sectarian
party militias in Lebanon – can be highly damaging.
But an equally fundamental division – one that has contributed as much to the ongoing insurrection as
sectarian
strife and opposition to the American-led military occupation – is the widening gap between Iraq’s rich and poor.
His sectarian, authoritarian behavior polarized his country to such a degree that even the army’s chief, General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, known for his Islamist sympathies, withdrew his support from the man who had appointed him.
Likewise, the revival of the Shia-Sunni civil war in Iraq largely reflects the
sectarian
rule of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.
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