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Scheme in sentence

835 examples of Scheme in a sentence

Europe, however, will not mediate over NMD; indeed, Europe is backpedaling from its earlier opposition to the scheme.
Further assuming a relatively generous 20% administration overhead, the total cost of the scheme would be approximately $600 million – equivalent to a fifth of the reported aid flow to these countries in 2004 and to 3.5-4% of their combined GDP.
Yes, the Bundesbank fiercely opposed the ECB’s conditional support of debt-distressed eurozone members and backed legal challenges to Draghi’s innovation, the outright monetary transactions (OMT) scheme.
In a Ponzi scheme, early investors are handsomely rewarded at the expense of latecomers until the supply of participants is exhausted.
Finally, a network of small not-for-profit local banks should be established to provide universal banking services, and loans to small and medium-size firms, like the scheme that has underpinned Germany’s economic strength and resilience over the last 200 years.
Some 80 years later, the English city of Hull has begun to implement a similar scheme, using a digital crypto-currency that is, so far, not prohibited by law.
Profit Sharing NowNEW YORK – At the British Labour Party’s annual conference in Liverpool this month, the shadow chancellor of the exchequer, John McDonnell, proposed a profit-sharing scheme that would grant workers equity in the firms where they are employed.
At the same time, the banking union, established by the EU in the wake of the 2007-2008 global financial crisis, should be strengthened by enlarging the capital base of the Single Resolution Fund and establishing a common deposit guarantee scheme.
When Welfare Sabotages LivesOXFORD – As Christmas approaches, the United Kingdom is accelerating the rollout of a social security scheme only Ebenezer Scrooge could love.
For example, the predecessor to the universal credit scheme, the Welfare Reform Act of 2012, created caps to local housing allowances and total benefits, and under-occupancy penalties.
Of course, the ideal of a united Europe is much older than Monnet’s scheme.
In economic substance, the Blue Bond scheme is compatible with the no-bailout clause in Article 125 of the EU Treaty, because the debt guarantee would apply only to senior debt amounting at most to 60% of GDP, the level that the Maastricht Treaty deems sustainable for any EU member state.
But the ultimate test for our proposal is whether the eurozone countries – their confidence shaken by the debt crisis – have an interest in coming together and participating in this voluntary scheme.
When German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck invented the world’s first statutory pension scheme in 1889, he set the eligibility age at 70; few people were expected to live long enough to collect benefits, and certainly not for many years.
In 2009, for example, Sergei Magnitsky, a lawyer, was accused of embezzlement after uncovering a fraudulent tax-refund scheme run by Russian officials.
Beyond that, it is time to start phasing in a viable sovereign-insolvency scheme for the bloc.
Once in place, a shared liability scheme would reduce the incentives to deliver on structural reforms.
The one positive feature of the reforms – a scheme aimed at ensuring equal radio and television airtime for parties during electoral campaigns – was tainted by serious legislative omissions.
Yeltsin once spoke about his scheme to link two centrists.
As a consequence, the national health-care scheme actually provides a net benefit for the average income earner.
A scheme like the one used by Canada could elicit and match the preferences of both refugees and receiving communities.
It would be absurd if Ukraine were to slide into a financial crisis because the EU could not agree on how to raise the funds to prevent it.The way to avoid that outcome is to adjust one of the EU’s two instruments for non-eurozone members to meet Ukraine’s needs: The Macro-Financial Assistance scheme, a versatile instrument that can combine loans and direct subsidies; or the balance-of-payments assistance facility, which could complement an IMF program to EU countries.
The way to avoid that outcome is to adjust one of the EU’s two instruments for non-eurozone members to meet Ukraine’s needs: The Macro-Financial Assistance scheme, a versatile instrument that can combine loans and direct subsidies; or the balance-of-payments assistance facility, which could complement an IMF program to EU countries.
Russia’s scheme to rehabilitate the rail line from its territory into the secessionist Georgian province of Abkhazia similarly mixes economics with neo-imperial aspirations.
If the international community allows this scheme to go forward, it will have endorsed Russia’s effort to separate Abkhazia from Georgia.
The last thing it needs is another grand-sounding scheme that it is not in a position to carry out.
Nor can it be used to establish a European deposit protection scheme, which is arguably the most urgent requirement, to stem the outflow of deposits from southern European banks.
But the very complexity of what is proposed shows just how inadequate the scheme is.
The eurozone needs a banking union: a European deposit-insurance scheme in order to stem capital flight, a European source for financing bank recapitalization, and eurozone-wide supervision and regulation.
So, too, are the Republicans in Congress, along with some Democrats who feel that the scheme has come too late and may interfere with other reform efforts under way, as watered-down as those initiatives may be.
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