Saudi
in sentence
343 examples of Saudi in a sentence
The official
Saudi
press explains the new stance as reflecting the government’s desire to abide by Security Council resolutions.
But it also underscores the
Saudi
regime’s growing feelings of internal fragility and external vulnerability.
Domestic pressure on the
Saudi
royal family, the al-Sauds, arises from widespread opposition to any war against Iraq, as well as to America’s military presence.
Yet cooperation with the US may not gain the al-Sauds much, because
Saudi
relations with America are strained to the breaking point.
War on Iraq could also reduce the importance of
Saudi
oil in world markets because increased Iraqi production is likely when sanctions are lifted.
To survive, the
Saudi
regime needs not only American guarantees, but also the support of the rising middle class.
Ties with America may have been strengthened, but at the cost of upsetting the
Saudi
people.
That is why the
Saudi
royals prefer to keep Iran chained with international sanctions.
The potential return of Iran as a major oil exporter if a nuclear agreement is reached in 2014 would further loosen the
Saudi
grip on oil prices as “Shia” oil from Iran and Iraq flood the market.
The
Saudi
stock market index is up by 78% since the start of the year, hugely out-performing the main US and European indices - and this in a region plagued by conflict, nuclear tensions, terrorism, and acute political challenges.
The
Saudi
oil minister, Ali al-Naimi, has said that he will not cut production even if prices hit $20 a barrel.
In turn, these jihadists gave birth to ISIS, which is a direct, if unanticipated, consequence of the policies pursued by the CIA and its
Saudi
partners.
Does he have in mind something like a
Saudi
protectorate over the Palestinians, sanctioned by the Arab League?
While it may seem excessive to require the
Saudi
government, which owns 95% of Aramco, to consult with the remaining shareholders, an LSE Premium Listing usually requires just 25% equity.
The collapse of the
Saudi
state would quickly spill over into neighboring Gulf countries, triggering a regional implosion, with unthinkable humanitarian consequences.
There is a long history of American interest in domestic
Saudi
matters.
The US could also prevail upon the
Saudi
government to start negotiating with Iran, reducing tensions on a broad range of fronts, including Iraq, Lebanon, Bahrain, and Yemen.
The recent decline in oil prices is on par with the supply-driven drop in 1985-1986, when OPEC members (read:
Saudi
Arabia) decided to reverse supply cuts to regain market share.
The resulting vacuum has been filled by various currents of political Islam, terrorism, protest movements, uprisings, secession attempts by national or religious minorities, and aspiring regional hegemons (Iran and
Saudi
Arabia).
Yet, when the
Saudi
Crown Prince died recently, the US stood by silently as the ruling family appointed its most reactionary Islamist as the new heir to the throne.
The Guardianrecently reported that Jordan is accepting
Saudi
money to supply arms directly to Syrian rebels.
Troubled
Saudi
Arabia would like to end its military intervention in Yemen, but that is no easy feat.
In a February summit in Mecca between Abbas and Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal, the
Saudi
government worked out an agreement between Hamas and Fatah, which have been clashing violently, to form a national unity government.
In a well-rehearsed, self-assured manner reminiscent of his late father, Bashar al-Assad aimed a provocative lecture at his colleagues, supporting the Palestinians' "right of resistance," calling upon Arab countries to sever their relations with Israel, urging an Iraqi-Kuwaiti reconciliation, and endorsing
Saudi
Crown Prince Abdallah's peace initiative.
This logic might be behind
Saudi
Arabia’s response to plummeting oil prices: rejecting calls by OPEC to cut production.
Somehow, it seems,
Saudi
society has produced a stream of violent fanaticism that draws its inspiration from extreme religious orthodoxy.
In some respects, this perception is accurate, but it cannot be applied to the broad
Saudi
public.
On the contrary, it would be a grave mistake to assume that fanatical Islamism fully defines
Saudi
attitudes toward religion.
These findings, while running contrary to popular perceptions of
Saudi
culture, are less startling than they appear.
The only monarchical regime that was seriously challenged during the Arab Spring was the Sunni ruling family in Shia-majority Bahrain, where precisely this sectarian divide seems to have been the crucial ingredient in the uprising, which was then brutally suppressed with
Saudi
military help.
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