Saudi
in sentence
343 examples of Saudi in a sentence
Earlier this year, the
Saudi
government was forced to cut public-sector salaries and subsidies on basic goods.
This represents a major risk for the regime (indeed, the salary cuts were quickly restored, after protests were called in four cities), not least because the state is the largest employer of
Saudi
citizens.
Saudi
interests will continue to weigh heavily on Egyptian foreign policy.
We now know that the
Saudi
royal family has been urging the US to undertake a military attack on Iran to prevent it from becoming capable of producing nuclear weapons.
The meeting last July in Beirut between Syria’s President al-Assad and
Saudi
King Abdullah was tagged as a sign of rapprochement between two Sunni antagonists.
The
Saudi
reform agenda mainly concerns domestic issues.
While
Saudi
leaders have managed to buy middle-class support by allocating a significant proportion of oil revenues to targeted welfare and credit-support programs, widespread poverty and massive income inequality persist.
Given many economic sectors’ lack of competitiveness and the inadequacy of the educational system, the
Saudi
population – 70% of which is under 35 years old – will experience skyrocketing unemployment in the coming years.
The new generation of
Saudi
leaders could spearhead a transition to a genuine constitutional monarchy, based on a transparent system of checks and balances.
That promise was captured in the recent film “Wadjda” – written, produced, and directed by
Saudi
women – which tells the story of a young girl from a middle-class family who challenges social conventions and pushes boundaries, as she attempts to fulfill her potential.
If she is not
Saudi
Arabia’s future, the country may not have a future at all.
The falling out over Iran follows America’s refusal to bomb Syria (another
Saudi
rival in the region) and its blessing of the removal in 2011 of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak (an important
Saudi
ally).
Saudi
Arabia’s Revolution From AboveBERLIN – Seven years after the Arab Spring unleashed a wave of revolutionary fervor across most of the Middle East and North Africa,
Saudi
Arabia is finally catching up, albeit in its own unique way.
Earlier this month, MBS – who seems to have studied Chinese President Xi Jinping’s own consolidation of power – ordered what the
Saudi
government has described as an anti-corruption purge.
The purge came not long after an announcement that
Saudi
women will no longer be banned from driving cars or attending public sports events.
The modernizers around MBS know that the revolution’s success will require breaking the power of Wahhabism by replacing it with
Saudi
nationalism.
The buyer – who many believe to be the
Saudi
crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, acting through a distant cousin – has paid a very high price for a painting of a man who is said to have told another rich person: “Go, sell your possessions and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven.”
But, unlike then, the countries that are accumulating the capital today are not spending it on consumption – remember the endless pictures of
Saudi
princes buying up real estate on the French Riviera – but on investment, infrastructure, and education.
It is because the
Saudi
royal family derives its legitimacy from a strict form of Sunni Islam and doubts the loyalty of its Shia population that the Kingdom has turned on Hezbollah.
This is causing the
Saudi
state to deepen the Sunni-Shia schism.
Despite having long been viewed as a result of the Sunni-Shia divide, the competition is really between two opposing political systems: Iran’s revolutionary regime, bent on changing the regional balance of power, versus
Saudi
Arabia’s conservative monarchy, which seeks to uphold the old regional order.
While the situation undoubtedly remains tense and unwieldy, religion’s waning political role may create an opening for progress, much as, say,
Saudi
Crown Prince Muhammed bin Salman’s willingness to discard fundamentalist imperatives favors modernization.
At first,
Saudi
officials said that Khashoggi had left the consulate.
The famine is also the outcome of
Saudi
actions: blockades, import restrictions, and other measures, including withholding the salaries of about a million civil servants.
Saudi
Arabia has long maintained (relative) internal stability by spreading its enormous oil wealth among its subjects, and by imposing on
Saudi
society fundamentalist Islamic doctrines based on the austere Wahhabi tradition.
MBS, for his part, has gotten the message: Since being named crown prince in June 2017, he has introduced sweeping reforms to the
Saudi
system.
MBS’s plan for diversifying the
Saudi
economy to reduce its dependence on oil is still on the drawing board.
While
Saudi
production policies were clearly behind last year’s halving of the oil price, the latest plunge began on July 6, within days of the deal to lift international sanctions against Iran.
In this newly competitive environment, oil will trade like any normal commodity, with the
Saudi
monopoly broken and North American production costs setting a long-term price ceiling of around $50 a barrel, for reasons I set out in January.
The main terms of this historic agreement, concluded in the teeth of opposition from Israel, Iran’s regional competitors (particularly
Saudi
Arabia), and the political right in the United States, seek to rein in Iran’s nuclear activities so that civil capacity cannot be swiftly weaponized.
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